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NEWS & ANALYSIS
Burkina Faso, Guinea and Mali—When are they coming in from the cold?
Published on May 18 2022
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is still engaged in discussions with the Governments of Burkina Faso and Guinea, where the military seized power and aborted constitutional order. Both countries had been hit with sanctions and suspensions from the regional bloc, pending their return to democracy. Those sanctions might be lifted or mitigated if both countries submitted an acceptable timeframe for a return to democracy but this process appears rather difficult.
The difficulty arose from the failure of these two States to submit the said timeframe by the April 25, 2022 deadline given by ECOWAS. According to media reports, Burkina Faso requested for more time (“in order to continue consultations on various issues”), while Guinea on its part updated the regional body on “recent developments in the transitions process” while also asking for more time.
The spokespersons for both governments did not appear as diplomatic as their countries’ official responses sounded. Lionel Bilgo, spokesman for the Burkinabe administration, affirmed that his country would not cut short it’s 3-year transition programme that had sparked conflict with ECOWAS, while Ousmane Goual bluntly suggested that the Malian authorities would not take dictation from anyone—a tacit reference to the ECOWAS demand.
While the regional body ponders its next course of action, it is increasingly looking likely that further conflict between it and these two States is inevitable. So far, these countries and ECOWAS have handled the tensions between them in a matured and responsible manner and many observers would like to see that approach maintained. It does not bode well for either side to complicate the relationship by grandstanding and compromise would be expected, especially from the two States given the fact that a long political transition, while it might be considered good from the point of view of both Burkina Faso and Guinea, could be fraught with other risks, including further instability.
Mali, where the military also overthrew the elected government of Ibrahim Boubakar Keita (IBK), has not had it easy, with recent military setbacks and the now unfolding western-inspired isolation of Russia—the country’s main ally in countering terrorism potentially weakening the operations. The military has also been accused of killing civilians during military operations against the terrorists, allegations now being investigated by the authorities. Such unpredictability in the international system could equally affect Burkina Faso and Guinea and the leadership in those countries need to factor these into their planning.
In the opinion of Gaskiya.net, it would be nice for ECOWAS to regain its unity and that can only be enhanced when Burkina Faso, Mali and Guinea return fully into its fold. These countries are vital components of a strong and virile regional bloc and it is hoped that no efforts would be spared to make this happen.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is still engaged in discussions with the Governments of Burkina Faso and Guinea, where the military seized power and aborted constitutional order. Both countries had been hit with sanctions and suspensions from the regional bloc, pending their return to democracy. Those sanctions might be lifted or mitigated if both countries submitted an acceptable timeframe for a return to democracy but this process appears rather difficult.
The difficulty arose from the failure of these two States to submit the said timeframe by the April 25, 2022 deadline given by ECOWAS. According to media reports, Burkina Faso requested for more time (“in order to continue consultations on various issues”), while Guinea on its part updated the regional body on “recent developments in the transitions process” while also asking for more time.
The spokespersons for both governments did not appear as diplomatic as their countries’ official responses sounded. Lionel Bilgo, spokesman for the Burkinabe administration, affirmed that his country would not cut short it’s 3-year transition programme that had sparked conflict with ECOWAS, while Ousmane Goual bluntly suggested that the Malian authorities would not take dictation from anyone—a tacit reference to the ECOWAS demand.
While the regional body ponders its next course of action, it is increasingly looking likely that further conflict between it and these two States is inevitable. So far, these countries and ECOWAS have handled the tensions between them in a matured and responsible manner and many observers would like to see that approach maintained. It does not bode well for either side to complicate the relationship by grandstanding and compromise would be expected, especially from the two States given the fact that a long political transition, while it might be considered good from the point of view of both Burkina Faso and Guinea, could be fraught with other risks, including further instability.
Mali, where the military also overthrew the elected government of Ibrahim Boubakar Keita (IBK), has not had it easy, with recent military setbacks and the now unfolding western-inspired isolation of Russia—the country’s main ally in countering terrorism potentially weakening the operations. The military has also been accused of killing civilians during military operations against the terrorists, allegations now being investigated by the authorities. Such unpredictability in the international system could equally affect Burkina Faso and Guinea and the leadership in those countries need to factor these into their planning.
In the opinion of Gaskiya.net, it would be nice for ECOWAS to regain its unity and that can only be enhanced when Burkina Faso, Mali and Guinea return fully into its fold. These countries are vital components of a strong and virile regional bloc and it is hoped that no efforts would be spared to make this happen.
Russian invasion of Ukraine—Implications for Africa
Photo credit: Pixabay
Published on April22 2022
The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022 and the on-going conflict arising from that invasion, as well as the reaction of Euro-Atlantic powers, have raised many questions. To begin with, it has generated questions around the motive for the invasion and whether the scale and magnitude of Russia’s action matches or exceeds its analysis of the threat perception regarding Ukraine’s alleged intention to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In the several weeks that it has raged, there has been massive destruction of both Ukrainian military and civil infrastructure, while almost 3 million civilians have become refugees.
Secondly, it raises questions regarding the posture of global institutions to the conflict that had raged in the Donbass region which has Russian-speaking Ukrainians and many in the area who feel their allegiance should remain with Moscow. The alleged atrocities committed by nationalist militia fighting under the Ukrainian flag and the perceived lack of interest by global pacific and political institutions to call Kiev to order is thought by some to have inevitably added fuel to the fire of the current conflict across most of Ukraine.
Thirdly, it challenges the very essence of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost global institution charged with preventing the very kind of conflict we are witnessing now in Ukraine, as well as those that were launched against Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Libya (to mention a few) and whether the UN in its present shape and form is still relevant in the global reality now staring us in the face.
Fourthly and in the opinion of some, the Russian invasion in question also raises serious questions about the neutrality of the so-called international media and the integrity of the narrative they spin, as well as follow-up questions on whether or not the world needs (or does not need) a new international information order as well.
What is not questionable however is that in international relations, might is considered right and the expectation that States must have predictable behaviour is apparently no more of relevance. If these two opinions remain valid, then policy makers in Africa need to take a closer look at not only how the conflict in question is unfolding, but all the elements that have been associated with it, including the reaction of both Russia and the NATO alliance, as well as the UN.
The expectation of the Euro-Atlantic powers that once they have an enemy then the whole world must share their perception of that enemy neither bodes well for these powers themselves nor for Africa and other continents. Every conflict eventually ends in a peace talk and mediators and brokers would be required at the appropriate time to hasten that negotiation process in the capacity of an honest broker. Expecting everyone to demonise your enemy might eventually elongate suffering and destruction at the minimum (if no one fits that bill simply because everyone has taken sides), or compromise the integrity of the negotiation because the party (parties) to the conflict consider that the potential brokers have too wide a trust deficit.
In all of this, Gaskiya.net cites an emerging thought suggestive of the arrival of a new world order at the end of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Those who push this thesis argue that the sanctions regime that have been imposed on Russia has fully exposed the non-kinetic arsenal of the Euro-Atlantic powers and that this is bound to lead to the creation of parallel institutions by the Russia-China-India-Iran-Venezuela grouping and countries that share their concerns, in order to insulate themselves from similar future action when they have irreconcilable conflict of interest with their counterpart States in the Atlantic. Should this thesis hold sway, Africa’s power elite and intellectuals must begin to think of how to craft a new foreign policy approach that will not see them beholden to any of the major powers and get their position duly recognised and affirmed.
Published on April22 2022
The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022 and the on-going conflict arising from that invasion, as well as the reaction of Euro-Atlantic powers, have raised many questions. To begin with, it has generated questions around the motive for the invasion and whether the scale and magnitude of Russia’s action matches or exceeds its analysis of the threat perception regarding Ukraine’s alleged intention to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In the several weeks that it has raged, there has been massive destruction of both Ukrainian military and civil infrastructure, while almost 3 million civilians have become refugees.
Secondly, it raises questions regarding the posture of global institutions to the conflict that had raged in the Donbass region which has Russian-speaking Ukrainians and many in the area who feel their allegiance should remain with Moscow. The alleged atrocities committed by nationalist militia fighting under the Ukrainian flag and the perceived lack of interest by global pacific and political institutions to call Kiev to order is thought by some to have inevitably added fuel to the fire of the current conflict across most of Ukraine.
Thirdly, it challenges the very essence of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost global institution charged with preventing the very kind of conflict we are witnessing now in Ukraine, as well as those that were launched against Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Libya (to mention a few) and whether the UN in its present shape and form is still relevant in the global reality now staring us in the face.
Fourthly and in the opinion of some, the Russian invasion in question also raises serious questions about the neutrality of the so-called international media and the integrity of the narrative they spin, as well as follow-up questions on whether or not the world needs (or does not need) a new international information order as well.
What is not questionable however is that in international relations, might is considered right and the expectation that States must have predictable behaviour is apparently no more of relevance. If these two opinions remain valid, then policy makers in Africa need to take a closer look at not only how the conflict in question is unfolding, but all the elements that have been associated with it, including the reaction of both Russia and the NATO alliance, as well as the UN.
The expectation of the Euro-Atlantic powers that once they have an enemy then the whole world must share their perception of that enemy neither bodes well for these powers themselves nor for Africa and other continents. Every conflict eventually ends in a peace talk and mediators and brokers would be required at the appropriate time to hasten that negotiation process in the capacity of an honest broker. Expecting everyone to demonise your enemy might eventually elongate suffering and destruction at the minimum (if no one fits that bill simply because everyone has taken sides), or compromise the integrity of the negotiation because the party (parties) to the conflict consider that the potential brokers have too wide a trust deficit.
In all of this, Gaskiya.net cites an emerging thought suggestive of the arrival of a new world order at the end of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Those who push this thesis argue that the sanctions regime that have been imposed on Russia has fully exposed the non-kinetic arsenal of the Euro-Atlantic powers and that this is bound to lead to the creation of parallel institutions by the Russia-China-India-Iran-Venezuela grouping and countries that share their concerns, in order to insulate themselves from similar future action when they have irreconcilable conflict of interest with their counterpart States in the Atlantic. Should this thesis hold sway, Africa’s power elite and intellectuals must begin to think of how to craft a new foreign policy approach that will not see them beholden to any of the major powers and get their position duly recognised and affirmed.
A SPECIAL REPORT ON “UNVEILING: The Exhibition”
Photo Credit: Ariella Horvath
Published on April 04 2022
Gaskiya.net had a recent interview with Oluwaseun Olowo-Ake, a Technology Director based in Toronto, Canada and one of the artists participating in the “Unveiling” exhibition currently holding in British Columbia, Canada. Here are some excerpts…
Q: Seun can you give us the background to how this whole project began?
Seun: In June of 2021, myself and four other creators- Blanes Wathumbi, Chelsea Nwasike, Fanny Kearse and Oluwasayo Olowo-Ake were contacted by Oluwasola Olowo-Ake with the brief: “if you could rewrite 2020 as a black person in a positive way, what would you write?” We all met on zoom a few weeks later to discuss our experiences, and the Writing Circle Project was born.
Q. What was the aim of the Writing Circle Project and how were all the artists able to work cohesively?
Seun: Sola’s initial idea was to create a space where black people could express themselves freely, in the hopes that we could then present our stories to the world on our own terms. Our initial zoom meeting was truly just a session to share how we were feeling; the global events that took place in 2020 affected each of us, either personally or certainly through the news we were reading and watching. We talked about our experiences being disregarded by others who didn’t share them, about the lack of sympathy towards the black experience, about what us coming together really looks like and if we do it for the right reasons, and about reconciling religion and race as some of us have had to do in our context.
We are all based in different cities (Vancouver, Toronto, Los Angeles, and Nairobi), so we were thankful to have the technology to communicate with each other. We spent the next few months meeting online to discuss what ideas we were coming up with, read our pieces to the group and get feedback. The group contained diverse talents and capabilities, so we created through various methods of storytelling. We had poetry, written prose pieces, audio pieces with embedded soundscapes, original music as well as film. For a lot of us who had pushed our artistic expression to the side as we worked and studied, this was a welcome wake up call. We seemed to feed off the creativity of each other and as the time passed, the project evolved to what we called, ‘Unveiling.’
Sola got the idea from Chapter 2 of W.E.B Du Bois’ book, The Souls of Black Folk, where Du Bois states, “the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,- a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity.” (Pg. 2). Sola elaborates, “So, the veil is the white gaze, as described by Du Bois. And in a sense, that's what we're all doing as we reflect and write about the social climate of 2020. In blackwashing whitewashed narratives, we are pulling the veil of 'the white gaze' off- we are unveiling.”
Q. How did Vines Art Festival get involved in the project?
Seun: A name for the project made it more official and made us more excited about the project, but to add to that, we were approached by Vines Art Festival through Fanny asking if they could host an exhibition in Vancouver where we would showcase our work. We all jumped at the opportunity (what artist doesn’t want to show their work to the public?) and got to work adapting our work from being housed in an online space to a physical one. We spent weeks re-writing, recording and re-recording, editing, designing and printing, and on the 21st of March 2022, UNVEILING opened at Slice Nextdoor, Vancouver, to an audience of over 70 people in person and online.
Q. Can you talk us through how each of you felt on the day the exhibition opened?
Seun: The room (and us artists) looked much different than it did a couple of hours earlier when Sola and Sayo came in, with Chelsea and I on a phone screen, to set up the space. Fanny walked in from the printers’ a few minutes later, carrying our posters which we would all see for the first time. After some ‘ooh’s and ‘ahh’s from all of us, Fanny, Sayo and Sola got to work setting up, with Chelsea and I giving advice and moral support over zoom because that was the only way we could help. We went away when we were done, and came back better dressed to fit the vibe, and slightly nervous because soon, people started to arrive. I’m told the atmosphere in the room was anticipatory as people eagerly waited to hear what we had to say. A few guests wandered around the space and read the pieces that hung on the wall. Chelsea and I hosted the zoom audience, a lot of whom were calling in from abroad at an unusually early time, but who were also excited to hear what we had put together.
It was nerve wracking to have something we worked on be shown to the public, but it was encouraging to see how the audience engaged with our work. Blanes states that it was very pleasant to be viewed from a perspective of the audience wanting to know more as opposed to them looking for the problems- something he was used to while presenting his architecture projects at University. He writes, “It felt like a wholesome expression without worry of any back lash or ‘go and review this,’ which made me feel very welcome and appreciated.”
Q. What has been the feedback from attendees and what would you like to see this project achieve?
Seun: The feedback we have received from attendees has been positively overwhelming for us to hear. I was told by one that he appreciated hearing our perspectives as they gave validation to his own experiences and made him realise there are more people going through the same things. Sola and Blanes were informed by others that the exhibition sparked ideas for projects they intend to create in the future. We are also grateful for the support of our families who continue to champion our creative expression. Blanes mentions that his father explained to him how this project, and art in general, is powerful for Pan-Africanism which will require diligence, resilience and wisdom to navigate. As five out of the six of us are African, this means a lot to us.
As for the impact we want this project to leave, we hope it brings a new perspective to those who do not share the same experiences and allows them- and us all- to open our minds to the experiences of others so that we might understand them. We also hope it gives a voice to people who have the same experiences and allows them to share their stories. Sayo states that she hopes the project exposes people to the idea that there are different methods of storytelling and encourages people to pursue them. All in all, this project highlights viewing yourself through your own eyes, not those of other people. If that’s not the case, we hope this project at least starts that other people’s process of unveiling.
To find out more, visit www.thewcpcollective.com
Nigerian National Awards—Ignoring deserving female achievers
Picture shows Bose Kaffo (2nd left) flanked by Sola Rogers, CEO Boom Radio NG (1st left), Yomi Opakunle PR Practices (2nd right) and Dolapo Balogun Radio presenter (1st right) after being honoured by Boom Radio NG recently. Photo credit:
Boom Radio NG
Bose Kaffo (5-time Olympian). Photo credit: Brilla Sports
Published on February 26 2022
The Federal Government of Nigeria annually honoured a select number of citizens that have made sterling contributions to the country over a period of time. Citizens can receive various categories of awards, including the second highest honour in the land—GCON—Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger—and indeed, there are two current notable figures with this particular award: Dr. Mike Adenuga (Jnr) and Alhaji Aliko Dangote. This award is second only to that of the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) which is usually given to the country’s President.
Another rather ambiguous matter relating to these awards is the fact that no one knows exactly the criteria required for receiving any of the awards. To be precise, those who have received the GCON usually did not attract any controversy, as their contribution to society was somewhat visible to all and sundry. However, what qualifies someone to get an MON (Member of the Order of the Niger) and not a CON (Commander of the Order of the Niger) or an MFR (Member of the Order of the Federal Republic)? The parametres were unknown and remain unknown.
While some of those honoured were thought by a generality of the population to be deserving of such honour, others were often considered unworthy, as there was nothing concretely expressive of why such honour was bestowed on them. There are those who also believed that such characters got on the honours list simply by virtue of being friends with some of those responsible for compiling the list of awardees.
Deriving from the above, could it be a curious coincidence that since the advent of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, the annual national honours ceremony has not been held? In other words, for the past 7 years, no national honour has been bestowed on anyone. Rather interestingly, nobody is complaining, which might suggest that the population is comfortable with this turn of events, not having believed anyway that most of those being honoured in recent memory deserved it.
There is also the associated issue of those who ought to be honoured but were often inexplicably left out. There are hundreds, if not thousands of them. However, let us just take the case of a celebrated Nigerian table tennis player named Bose Kaffo. In a recent interview with a Nigerian internet-based radio station, Boom Radio NG, Bose reeled out many of her accomplishments, some of which include:
1991: beat Cameroon 4-0
1995: beat S. Africa 7-1
1998: beat Ghana 2-0
2000: beat S. Africa 2-0
2002: beat Ghana 2-0
2004: beat Cameroon 5-0
2006: beat Ghana 1-0
2010: beat E. Guinea 4-2
2014: beat Cameroon 2-0
2016: beat Cameroon 1-0
2018 beat S. Africa 4-3 (Penalties)
Despite winning 11 editions of the competition, the superlative Super Falcons have never been honoured with national awards. This is both shocking and unbelievable. In fact, the Nigerian female team set the stage for the development of female football on the African continent and have dominated all three categories (cadet, junior and senior) of the competition.
The expectation of Gaskiya.net that the Muhammadu Buhari administration, on the last leg of its tenure, should right the wrongs done to so many Nigerians who eminently deserve to be honoured by ensuring that it not only organises one national awards ceremony, but gives the right category of awards to many who have been unjustifiably denied such honours. Doing so would return credibility to the awards and reward patriots who served the nation with unalloyed dedication, patriotism and brilliance across various walks of life.
The Federal Government of Nigeria annually honoured a select number of citizens that have made sterling contributions to the country over a period of time. Citizens can receive various categories of awards, including the second highest honour in the land—GCON—Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger—and indeed, there are two current notable figures with this particular award: Dr. Mike Adenuga (Jnr) and Alhaji Aliko Dangote. This award is second only to that of the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR) which is usually given to the country’s President.
Another rather ambiguous matter relating to these awards is the fact that no one knows exactly the criteria required for receiving any of the awards. To be precise, those who have received the GCON usually did not attract any controversy, as their contribution to society was somewhat visible to all and sundry. However, what qualifies someone to get an MON (Member of the Order of the Niger) and not a CON (Commander of the Order of the Niger) or an MFR (Member of the Order of the Federal Republic)? The parametres were unknown and remain unknown.
While some of those honoured were thought by a generality of the population to be deserving of such honour, others were often considered unworthy, as there was nothing concretely expressive of why such honour was bestowed on them. There are those who also believed that such characters got on the honours list simply by virtue of being friends with some of those responsible for compiling the list of awardees.
Deriving from the above, could it be a curious coincidence that since the advent of the Muhammadu Buhari administration, the annual national honours ceremony has not been held? In other words, for the past 7 years, no national honour has been bestowed on anyone. Rather interestingly, nobody is complaining, which might suggest that the population is comfortable with this turn of events, not having believed anyway that most of those being honoured in recent memory deserved it.
There is also the associated issue of those who ought to be honoured but were often inexplicably left out. There are hundreds, if not thousands of them. However, let us just take the case of a celebrated Nigerian table tennis player named Bose Kaffo. In a recent interview with a Nigerian internet-based radio station, Boom Radio NG, Bose reeled out many of her accomplishments, some of which include:
- 12-time African Table Tennis Champion in the Women Singles, Doubles, Mixed Doubles and Teams events.
- Winning 7 gold medals in singles and doubles events at six consecutive All African Games from 1987-2007.
- Second Nigerian female athlete to compete at 5 Olympic Games from 1992-2008 (after celebrated sprinter, Mary Onyali)
- Appointed International Table Tennis Coach/Expert for The Gambia, Lesotho, South Africa and Tanzania.
- Variously being part of the Nigerian female table tennis team that were African champions for 20 consecutive years.
1991: beat Cameroon 4-0
1995: beat S. Africa 7-1
1998: beat Ghana 2-0
2000: beat S. Africa 2-0
2002: beat Ghana 2-0
2004: beat Cameroon 5-0
2006: beat Ghana 1-0
2010: beat E. Guinea 4-2
2014: beat Cameroon 2-0
2016: beat Cameroon 1-0
2018 beat S. Africa 4-3 (Penalties)
Despite winning 11 editions of the competition, the superlative Super Falcons have never been honoured with national awards. This is both shocking and unbelievable. In fact, the Nigerian female team set the stage for the development of female football on the African continent and have dominated all three categories (cadet, junior and senior) of the competition.
The expectation of Gaskiya.net that the Muhammadu Buhari administration, on the last leg of its tenure, should right the wrongs done to so many Nigerians who eminently deserve to be honoured by ensuring that it not only organises one national awards ceremony, but gives the right category of awards to many who have been unjustifiably denied such honours. Doing so would return credibility to the awards and reward patriots who served the nation with unalloyed dedication, patriotism and brilliance across various walks of life.
Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso - ECOWAS Must Go Beyond Checklist Diplomacy. Part 2
Published on February 11 2022
While the reaction of ECOWAS to these extra-constitutional changes of power has been right and predictable too, the regional body needs to instigate deeper reflection on why coups are becoming rampant despite the threat of suspensions and sanctions. It should be mentioned that these sanctions are not only ECOWAS sanctions but that they usually garner global support as well since the United Nations often endorse ECOWAS resolutions on such matters going by tradition and history. That such automatic UN endorsement does not deter coup plotters should be sufficient room for deep introspection by the ECOWAS leadership.
At this juncture, it might be worthwhile to mention the fact that all the countries cited in this analysis are Francophone. France has had troops on the ground trying to help them contain and defeat the insurgency. Right from independence, France has kept military bases in most of its former colonies, especially in Africa. Some observers suggest that the French never really allowed those colonies to develop strong military forces so that she might continue to be relevant. The emergence of complex asymmetrical conflicts in the Sahel have probably now shown the demerit of such an orientation. Indeed, President Sarkozy flatly refused to deploy French forces to assist the countries of the Sahel, until the arrival of President Francois Hollonde who immediately came to the rescue of the countries in question. However, with well over a decade gone, progress on the frontlines have not been consistent or of great impact, fuelling anti-French sentiments and threatening democracy in the region.
This could be the time to seek greater involvement of Senegal, another Francophone country. She was able to contain her own internal rebellion in the Casamance region south of the country which has raged for many years without a military incursion into politics. What is Senegal, a co-Francophone country doing right that could be beneficial for Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso in their effort to fight off the jihadists and maintain democratic institutions? Are their lessons too for politicians in these three countries that could be learnt from Dakar? What role could ECOWAS play in facilitating such peer-to-peer exchange? Merely slapping sanctions on these countries and suspending them from ECOWAS do not appear sufficient anymore.
Lastly, ECOWAS could engage with the two States affected by the insurgency-Mali and Burkina Faso-by deploying its standby-force, but not to force them from power. (The latter should happen through an application of robust pacific tools), Rather, ECOMOG should deploy to protect Ouagadougou and Bamako, thereby freeing Burkinabe and Malian troops to deploy further afield to confront the threats facing their country. Though many States have their own share of security problems, Gaskiya.net believes that Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire can still contribute well-trained mechanised battalions each to bolster the defence of these capitals. ECOWAS partners and those of the countries concerned can provide equipment and additional training to improve the operational efficiency of these forces towards helping to turn the tide of the insurgency. Hopefully, such an approach would be better than the checklist diplomacy that ECOWAS has been applying of late.
Published on February 11 2022
While the reaction of ECOWAS to these extra-constitutional changes of power has been right and predictable too, the regional body needs to instigate deeper reflection on why coups are becoming rampant despite the threat of suspensions and sanctions. It should be mentioned that these sanctions are not only ECOWAS sanctions but that they usually garner global support as well since the United Nations often endorse ECOWAS resolutions on such matters going by tradition and history. That such automatic UN endorsement does not deter coup plotters should be sufficient room for deep introspection by the ECOWAS leadership.
At this juncture, it might be worthwhile to mention the fact that all the countries cited in this analysis are Francophone. France has had troops on the ground trying to help them contain and defeat the insurgency. Right from independence, France has kept military bases in most of its former colonies, especially in Africa. Some observers suggest that the French never really allowed those colonies to develop strong military forces so that she might continue to be relevant. The emergence of complex asymmetrical conflicts in the Sahel have probably now shown the demerit of such an orientation. Indeed, President Sarkozy flatly refused to deploy French forces to assist the countries of the Sahel, until the arrival of President Francois Hollonde who immediately came to the rescue of the countries in question. However, with well over a decade gone, progress on the frontlines have not been consistent or of great impact, fuelling anti-French sentiments and threatening democracy in the region.
This could be the time to seek greater involvement of Senegal, another Francophone country. She was able to contain her own internal rebellion in the Casamance region south of the country which has raged for many years without a military incursion into politics. What is Senegal, a co-Francophone country doing right that could be beneficial for Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso in their effort to fight off the jihadists and maintain democratic institutions? Are their lessons too for politicians in these three countries that could be learnt from Dakar? What role could ECOWAS play in facilitating such peer-to-peer exchange? Merely slapping sanctions on these countries and suspending them from ECOWAS do not appear sufficient anymore.
Lastly, ECOWAS could engage with the two States affected by the insurgency-Mali and Burkina Faso-by deploying its standby-force, but not to force them from power. (The latter should happen through an application of robust pacific tools), Rather, ECOMOG should deploy to protect Ouagadougou and Bamako, thereby freeing Burkinabe and Malian troops to deploy further afield to confront the threats facing their country. Though many States have their own share of security problems, Gaskiya.net believes that Nigeria, Senegal, Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire can still contribute well-trained mechanised battalions each to bolster the defence of these capitals. ECOWAS partners and those of the countries concerned can provide equipment and additional training to improve the operational efficiency of these forces towards helping to turn the tide of the insurgency. Hopefully, such an approach would be better than the checklist diplomacy that ECOWAS has been applying of late.
Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso—ECOWAS must go beyond ‘checklist diplomacy!’
Published 3rd February 2022
Part 1
The overthrow of President Roch Kabore of Burkina Faso on 24th Jan 2022 was the third coup in West Africa within the past 16 months after those in Mali and Guinea. It occurred after a series of mutinies across military formations in the country reportedly inspired by grievances held by soldiers regarding the “lack of support” for their fight against jihadists by the ousted leader.
That sounded quite familiar. Captain Amadou Sanogo had overthrown the elected government in Mali in 2012 using the same argument. In that instance, Tuareg fighters who had been integrated into the Libyan Army by Col. Gaddafi (in order to end the conflict in Mali), had instituted an armed rebellion on their return from Libya in an attempt to create a separate republic. The brand new equipment brought back to Libya by those insurgents (despite driving through an open desert with a NATO imposed no-fly zone) made mincemeat of the Malian forces. Today, nine years later, the successive military government in Bamako (led by Col. Assimi Goita) has not made any progress against insurgents either. Not a few people wonder today why then the military had to overthrow the elected government in 2012!
Mali’s current military leaders have stuck to power and recently suggested they might rule for five years. That drew the ire of ECOWAS-the Economic Community of West African States (the first sub-regional body in the world to launch a successful peace support operation, first into Liberia and later, Sierra Leone) which subsequently threatened to impose stiffer penalties. There is also the military regime in Guinea, whose entry into power it attributed to tenure elongation by former President Alpha Conde. This country, Mali and now Bukina Faso are all ECOWAS member-States and have all been slapped with sanctions.
A common denominator for these countries is the jihadi insurgency on their territory, except of course for Guinea. However, Cote d’Ivoire, a country that still enjoys democratic rule (though it also experienced tenure elongation by President Alasane Ouattara at the same time that deposed President Alpha Code of Guinea tinkered with his country’s constitution as well), has had to endure some jihadi insurgency too after the first attacks in June 2020. In effect, the worsening state of the insurgency in the Sahel and the precarious political situation further exacerbated by the incursion of the military into power could further complicate the stability of not only the Sahel but the entire West Africa as a whole.
This can be better understood if one considered the fact that Mali and Burkina Faso both share borders with Niger, where a jihadi insurgency also continues to rage. Indeed, at the onset of the tenure of its current President, Mohamed Bazoum, soldiers had also mutinied and a coup almost resulted (but fears of possible intervention by its neighbour and regional powerhouse Nigeria caused a re-think by the soldiers involved). Any mishandling of the unfolding political crises in the Sahelian countries by ECOWAS therefore could easily cause the insurgency there to spill and merge with the ISWAP/Boko Haram conflict in the Lake Chad region. Such a dangerous scenario should never be allowed to exceed the realm of speculation. To be continued.
Part 1
The overthrow of President Roch Kabore of Burkina Faso on 24th Jan 2022 was the third coup in West Africa within the past 16 months after those in Mali and Guinea. It occurred after a series of mutinies across military formations in the country reportedly inspired by grievances held by soldiers regarding the “lack of support” for their fight against jihadists by the ousted leader.
That sounded quite familiar. Captain Amadou Sanogo had overthrown the elected government in Mali in 2012 using the same argument. In that instance, Tuareg fighters who had been integrated into the Libyan Army by Col. Gaddafi (in order to end the conflict in Mali), had instituted an armed rebellion on their return from Libya in an attempt to create a separate republic. The brand new equipment brought back to Libya by those insurgents (despite driving through an open desert with a NATO imposed no-fly zone) made mincemeat of the Malian forces. Today, nine years later, the successive military government in Bamako (led by Col. Assimi Goita) has not made any progress against insurgents either. Not a few people wonder today why then the military had to overthrow the elected government in 2012!
Mali’s current military leaders have stuck to power and recently suggested they might rule for five years. That drew the ire of ECOWAS-the Economic Community of West African States (the first sub-regional body in the world to launch a successful peace support operation, first into Liberia and later, Sierra Leone) which subsequently threatened to impose stiffer penalties. There is also the military regime in Guinea, whose entry into power it attributed to tenure elongation by former President Alpha Conde. This country, Mali and now Bukina Faso are all ECOWAS member-States and have all been slapped with sanctions.
A common denominator for these countries is the jihadi insurgency on their territory, except of course for Guinea. However, Cote d’Ivoire, a country that still enjoys democratic rule (though it also experienced tenure elongation by President Alasane Ouattara at the same time that deposed President Alpha Code of Guinea tinkered with his country’s constitution as well), has had to endure some jihadi insurgency too after the first attacks in June 2020. In effect, the worsening state of the insurgency in the Sahel and the precarious political situation further exacerbated by the incursion of the military into power could further complicate the stability of not only the Sahel but the entire West Africa as a whole.
This can be better understood if one considered the fact that Mali and Burkina Faso both share borders with Niger, where a jihadi insurgency also continues to rage. Indeed, at the onset of the tenure of its current President, Mohamed Bazoum, soldiers had also mutinied and a coup almost resulted (but fears of possible intervention by its neighbour and regional powerhouse Nigeria caused a re-think by the soldiers involved). Any mishandling of the unfolding political crises in the Sahelian countries by ECOWAS therefore could easily cause the insurgency there to spill and merge with the ISWAP/Boko Haram conflict in the Lake Chad region. Such a dangerous scenario should never be allowed to exceed the realm of speculation. To be continued.
Mali Junta and the ECOWAS sanctions...Who blinks first ?
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Photo credit: Operation World
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Published on January 22 2022
“Not so in Mali, where there seems to be some complicated behind-the-scenes development between that country and the regional bloc. Some observers have suggested that the presence of the Russian private military company (PMC), Wagner, might be what has emboldened the soldiers in Bamako, given the closeness of that PMC to the Russian government. If true, this could be a banana peel for the junta as Russia is unlikely to sacrifice its relationship with the other 14 ECOWAS States on account of what might be perceived as the intransigence of the Mali leadership. The junta could jolly well end up slipping on that peel if it does not take immediate diplomatic measures to restore confidence in its dialogue with ECOWAS and whittle down the tension.”
Demonstrations in Mali on January 14, 2022 to protest sanctions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) bring to the fore once again the issues that have formed the basis of three important analyses that we published first on November 9, 2020 and then on June 12 2021 and finally on September 18, 2021. We had drawn the attention of ECOWAS to the military coups that had taken place largely in Guinea and Mali, following tenure extensions by President Alpha Conde of Guinea and Alasane Ouattarra of Cote d’Ivoire.
The situation in Abidjan had appeared somewhat stable despite initial protests against the move of Ouattarra but that in Guinea led straight to a military coup. President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (IBK, who unfortunately recently passed away) was removed by popular protest in his country, leading the military to seize power. The two coups run counter to ECOWAS Protocols which forbid member-States from unconstitutional transfer of power but the coup leaders in both countries have ignored this.
While Col. Assimi Goita has since gone ahead to assume full presidential powers in Mali, Col. Mamady Doumbouya, in power in Guinea, seems to be acting more pragmatically by continuously affirming that his country is part of ECOWAS and can’t ignore the regional body, despite their differences over the political situation in Guinea. Perhaps such pragmatism in his public utterances have kept relations with ECOWAS on a somewhat even keel.
Not so in Mali, where there seems to be some complicated behind-the-scenes development between that country and the regional bloc. Some observers have suggested that the presence of the Russian private military company (PMC), Wagner, might be what has emboldened the soldiers in Bamako, given the closeness of that PMC to the Russian government. If true, this could be a banana peel for the junta as Russia is unlikely to sacrifice its relationship with the other 14 ECOWAS States on account of what might be perceived as the intransigence of the Mali leadership. The junta could jolly well end up slipping on that peel if it does not take immediate diplomatic measures to restore confidence in its dialogue with ECOWAS and whittle down the tension.
While some sections of the international media and some analysts have suggested that the ECOWAS sanctions will not bite hard on Bamako, the reality indicates otherwise. Mali is a landlocked country and can ill-afford such risky confrontation. Sanctions will work as long as your neighbours implement them, which from all indications, seems to be the situation now regarding Mali. That the communique issued by ECOWAS also announced the placing of ECOMOG on standby, the junta in Bamako is put on notice of the intention of the ECOWAS leadership to enforce its decisions, especially on sanctions. (It must be mentioned that ECOWAS has not used its military instrument in a long while and rarely threatens to deploy it, often preferring to simply state that “all options are on the table”). By expressly mentioning ECOMOG, the regional bloc upped the ante and Bamako obviously would have noticed that.
While ECOWAS is unlikely to invade Mali, it could nonetheless use its combined military capability to enforce a no-fly zone and police Mali’s borders. Such action will inevitably turn the same Malians who demonstrated in support of the junta on January 14 to come out in force once more, but this time, to call for an end to military rule in their country with the sanctions biting hard on the economy. The fact that the UN and other multilateral bodies usually back ECOWAS decisions on such issues should be another source of worry for the junta. Therefore, it behoves the military in Mali to back down from the sabre-rattling and face reality. A military government lasting for as long as 5 years in West Africa in the 21st century is an absolute no-no! It just won’t fly, not even with the Kremlin egging Goita on!
“Not so in Mali, where there seems to be some complicated behind-the-scenes development between that country and the regional bloc. Some observers have suggested that the presence of the Russian private military company (PMC), Wagner, might be what has emboldened the soldiers in Bamako, given the closeness of that PMC to the Russian government. If true, this could be a banana peel for the junta as Russia is unlikely to sacrifice its relationship with the other 14 ECOWAS States on account of what might be perceived as the intransigence of the Mali leadership. The junta could jolly well end up slipping on that peel if it does not take immediate diplomatic measures to restore confidence in its dialogue with ECOWAS and whittle down the tension.”
Demonstrations in Mali on January 14, 2022 to protest sanctions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) bring to the fore once again the issues that have formed the basis of three important analyses that we published first on November 9, 2020 and then on June 12 2021 and finally on September 18, 2021. We had drawn the attention of ECOWAS to the military coups that had taken place largely in Guinea and Mali, following tenure extensions by President Alpha Conde of Guinea and Alasane Ouattarra of Cote d’Ivoire.
The situation in Abidjan had appeared somewhat stable despite initial protests against the move of Ouattarra but that in Guinea led straight to a military coup. President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (IBK, who unfortunately recently passed away) was removed by popular protest in his country, leading the military to seize power. The two coups run counter to ECOWAS Protocols which forbid member-States from unconstitutional transfer of power but the coup leaders in both countries have ignored this.
While Col. Assimi Goita has since gone ahead to assume full presidential powers in Mali, Col. Mamady Doumbouya, in power in Guinea, seems to be acting more pragmatically by continuously affirming that his country is part of ECOWAS and can’t ignore the regional body, despite their differences over the political situation in Guinea. Perhaps such pragmatism in his public utterances have kept relations with ECOWAS on a somewhat even keel.
Not so in Mali, where there seems to be some complicated behind-the-scenes development between that country and the regional bloc. Some observers have suggested that the presence of the Russian private military company (PMC), Wagner, might be what has emboldened the soldiers in Bamako, given the closeness of that PMC to the Russian government. If true, this could be a banana peel for the junta as Russia is unlikely to sacrifice its relationship with the other 14 ECOWAS States on account of what might be perceived as the intransigence of the Mali leadership. The junta could jolly well end up slipping on that peel if it does not take immediate diplomatic measures to restore confidence in its dialogue with ECOWAS and whittle down the tension.
While some sections of the international media and some analysts have suggested that the ECOWAS sanctions will not bite hard on Bamako, the reality indicates otherwise. Mali is a landlocked country and can ill-afford such risky confrontation. Sanctions will work as long as your neighbours implement them, which from all indications, seems to be the situation now regarding Mali. That the communique issued by ECOWAS also announced the placing of ECOMOG on standby, the junta in Bamako is put on notice of the intention of the ECOWAS leadership to enforce its decisions, especially on sanctions. (It must be mentioned that ECOWAS has not used its military instrument in a long while and rarely threatens to deploy it, often preferring to simply state that “all options are on the table”). By expressly mentioning ECOMOG, the regional bloc upped the ante and Bamako obviously would have noticed that.
While ECOWAS is unlikely to invade Mali, it could nonetheless use its combined military capability to enforce a no-fly zone and police Mali’s borders. Such action will inevitably turn the same Malians who demonstrated in support of the junta on January 14 to come out in force once more, but this time, to call for an end to military rule in their country with the sanctions biting hard on the economy. The fact that the UN and other multilateral bodies usually back ECOWAS decisions on such issues should be another source of worry for the junta. Therefore, it behoves the military in Mali to back down from the sabre-rattling and face reality. A military government lasting for as long as 5 years in West Africa in the 21st century is an absolute no-no! It just won’t fly, not even with the Kremlin egging Goita on!
Africa to fare better in 2022 despite coups, COVID 19 and insurgency in outgoing year
Published on December 30 2021
The year 2021 has been eventful in Africa and saw the maintenance of the status quo experienced in 2020, save for coups and attempted coups in four countries. The swearing-in of President Joe Biden in the US was good for Africa as it brought stability and predictability to US-Africa relations unlike in the Trump era.
Continued Chinese interest and investment in infrastructure in Africa, more progressive French policies, support for countering insurgencies by Russia in Nigeria and Mali and favourable GDP growth rates are bright spots that could complement the predictable environment being fostered by the Biden administration to fuel growth on the continent by helping to reduce multilateral tensions.
The fact that the Taliban effectively took control of Afghanistan on August 15 2021 after Kabul fell following the withdrawal of US and coalition forces sent fears across the African continent that insurgencies in the Lake Chad region and the Sahel might be influenced by that development, making insurgents more bold and daring. So far, this has not happened. Rather, it had either been a maintenance of the status quo, or more progress recorded by national armies especially in reclaiming land previously lost to the adversary or whittling down dominance of certain areas by Jihadi groups.
Africa south of the Sahara exited recession by September 2021 but the entire continent cumulatively had a growth rate of 3.3%. The World Bank predicts that growth rate for 2022 will not exceed 4%. Against that optimistic prediction, the top 5 economies in Africa in 2021 were:
Coups in Chad, Mali, Guinea and Sudan threatened democratic consolidation on the continent with regional and international actors perplexed particularly by the coup in Guinea (which perhaps could have been prevented if President Alpha Conde had been prevented from changing the Constitution and running for a third term).
The relief at the availability of several types of COVID 19 vaccines was short-lived as Africa never got enough of the vaccines to go round. There were also allegations that Western countries donated vaccines with short shelf lives which further compounded efforts at vaccinating the African population.
Elections in Africa in 2022
In the in-coming year, the following countries will hold crucial elections on the continent:
For 2022, most of the dogma-inspired insurgencies in Africa will remain but some observers expect greater successes in bringing them under control especially with the deployment of the Russian private military company Wagner in Mali and more deployment of Nigerian airpower in the Lake Chad region. COVID 19 will still dominate the socio-economic agenda, with the continent racing to vaccinate more of its population. The economy will grow favourably, fuelled by improved conditions of trade and encouraging commodity prices.
The year 2021 has been eventful in Africa and saw the maintenance of the status quo experienced in 2020, save for coups and attempted coups in four countries. The swearing-in of President Joe Biden in the US was good for Africa as it brought stability and predictability to US-Africa relations unlike in the Trump era.
Continued Chinese interest and investment in infrastructure in Africa, more progressive French policies, support for countering insurgencies by Russia in Nigeria and Mali and favourable GDP growth rates are bright spots that could complement the predictable environment being fostered by the Biden administration to fuel growth on the continent by helping to reduce multilateral tensions.
The fact that the Taliban effectively took control of Afghanistan on August 15 2021 after Kabul fell following the withdrawal of US and coalition forces sent fears across the African continent that insurgencies in the Lake Chad region and the Sahel might be influenced by that development, making insurgents more bold and daring. So far, this has not happened. Rather, it had either been a maintenance of the status quo, or more progress recorded by national armies especially in reclaiming land previously lost to the adversary or whittling down dominance of certain areas by Jihadi groups.
Africa south of the Sahara exited recession by September 2021 but the entire continent cumulatively had a growth rate of 3.3%. The World Bank predicts that growth rate for 2022 will not exceed 4%. Against that optimistic prediction, the top 5 economies in Africa in 2021 were:
- Nigeria at USD514.05billion
- Egypt at USD394.28 billion
- South Africa at USD392.53 billion
- Algeria at USD151.56 billion
- Morocco at USD124billion
Coups in Chad, Mali, Guinea and Sudan threatened democratic consolidation on the continent with regional and international actors perplexed particularly by the coup in Guinea (which perhaps could have been prevented if President Alpha Conde had been prevented from changing the Constitution and running for a third term).
The relief at the availability of several types of COVID 19 vaccines was short-lived as Africa never got enough of the vaccines to go round. There were also allegations that Western countries donated vaccines with short shelf lives which further compounded efforts at vaccinating the African population.
Elections in Africa in 2022
In the in-coming year, the following countries will hold crucial elections on the continent:
- Libya: January 2022-Saif Gaddafi is the most prominent candidate though his chances are not reportedly bright.
- Senegal: Local and legislative elections in January 2022. President Macky Sall is being rumoured to want a third term but no evidence suggests as yet that this would happen but the elections of next year could impact such an ambition if it exists.
- Kenya and Angola: August 2022. Long term Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga and incumbent Angolan President Joao Manuel Lourenco are front-runners.
- Mali-Presidential
- Sudan-Presidential and Parliamentary
- Djibouti- Presidential
For 2022, most of the dogma-inspired insurgencies in Africa will remain but some observers expect greater successes in bringing them under control especially with the deployment of the Russian private military company Wagner in Mali and more deployment of Nigerian airpower in the Lake Chad region. COVID 19 will still dominate the socio-economic agenda, with the continent racing to vaccinate more of its population. The economy will grow favourably, fuelled by improved conditions of trade and encouraging commodity prices.
COVID 19 AND WESTERN BIAS: AGAIN WE CALL ON NIGERIA AND SOUTH AFRICA TO ACT NOW!
Published on December 12 2021
On August 8, 2021, we published an analysis calling on Nigeria and South Africa to come together and break the cycle of COVID transmission on the continent of Africa. We argued that Nigeria as Africa’s largest economy and South Africa as the continent’s most industrialised economy have what it takes to drive such an endeavour.
In the analysis in question, we averred that “we strongly believe that forging such partnership is the best way forward because experts have warned that the world is likely to face pandemics of this nature more frequently, given the expansion in global population and the stronger inter-connectivity between peoples and States and the combined reality of globalisation and the ease of travel that has attended it. Setting up latent capacity to deal with the current threat is therefore not only desirable, but a necessity as that structure and experience to be gained from managing it will help the continent deal with future pandemics.”
That clarion call was against the backdrop of the fast spreading Delta variant of the virus. Little did we know at the time that the Omicron variant was in the offing and would see the Euro-Atlantic States impose ridiculous bans specifically on African countries—Nigeria and South Africa being targets—following the successful genome sequencing done by South African scientists which led to the identification of this particular strain.
The selective flight and visa bans and ludicrous excuses given for them by the United Kingdom and the United States only strengthen the call we made in August. We at Gaskiya.net are appalled that the two African giants are yet to follow through on our charge. The current state of things indeed confirm what some observers have described as systemic racism, given the fact that several countries in Europe that equally reported the prevalence of the Omicron variant were neither placed on a flight ban, nor were consular access to the UK denied their citizens by the British Government.
It is gratifying that China offered Africa one billion doses of COVID vaccines, right at the time Europe and the US were engaging in their indefensible policy against Africa. These European States are wont to accuse the Chinese of eyeing Africa’s wealth and playing “unfairly” but will anyone blame African States should they consider China a more dependably actor than the west?
The recent visit of President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa to his Nigerian counterpart in Abuja resulted in some important decisions taken to further the work of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission. We are unhappy though that nothing was said about jointly combating pandemics because if these two States would not do it, Africa will remain at the mercy of the shylocks in the pharmaceutical and pharmacological industry who continue to enjoy the backing of their governments as they pursue vaccine inequity despite the call of many scientists generally and the World Health Organisation (WHO) in particular.
It is not too late for Nigeria and South Africa to convene a special summit specifically to outline a joint response to leading the continent out of dependence on western medicines and vaccines.
On August 8, 2021, we published an analysis calling on Nigeria and South Africa to come together and break the cycle of COVID transmission on the continent of Africa. We argued that Nigeria as Africa’s largest economy and South Africa as the continent’s most industrialised economy have what it takes to drive such an endeavour.
In the analysis in question, we averred that “we strongly believe that forging such partnership is the best way forward because experts have warned that the world is likely to face pandemics of this nature more frequently, given the expansion in global population and the stronger inter-connectivity between peoples and States and the combined reality of globalisation and the ease of travel that has attended it. Setting up latent capacity to deal with the current threat is therefore not only desirable, but a necessity as that structure and experience to be gained from managing it will help the continent deal with future pandemics.”
That clarion call was against the backdrop of the fast spreading Delta variant of the virus. Little did we know at the time that the Omicron variant was in the offing and would see the Euro-Atlantic States impose ridiculous bans specifically on African countries—Nigeria and South Africa being targets—following the successful genome sequencing done by South African scientists which led to the identification of this particular strain.
The selective flight and visa bans and ludicrous excuses given for them by the United Kingdom and the United States only strengthen the call we made in August. We at Gaskiya.net are appalled that the two African giants are yet to follow through on our charge. The current state of things indeed confirm what some observers have described as systemic racism, given the fact that several countries in Europe that equally reported the prevalence of the Omicron variant were neither placed on a flight ban, nor were consular access to the UK denied their citizens by the British Government.
It is gratifying that China offered Africa one billion doses of COVID vaccines, right at the time Europe and the US were engaging in their indefensible policy against Africa. These European States are wont to accuse the Chinese of eyeing Africa’s wealth and playing “unfairly” but will anyone blame African States should they consider China a more dependably actor than the west?
The recent visit of President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa to his Nigerian counterpart in Abuja resulted in some important decisions taken to further the work of the Nigeria-South Africa Bi-National Commission. We are unhappy though that nothing was said about jointly combating pandemics because if these two States would not do it, Africa will remain at the mercy of the shylocks in the pharmaceutical and pharmacological industry who continue to enjoy the backing of their governments as they pursue vaccine inequity despite the call of many scientists generally and the World Health Organisation (WHO) in particular.
It is not too late for Nigeria and South Africa to convene a special summit specifically to outline a joint response to leading the continent out of dependence on western medicines and vaccines.
Sudanese Generals: Playing Russian roulette?
Sudan's top general, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Photo Courtesy of gazettengr.com
Published on November 21 2021
After many months of tension between the civilian component of the transitional government emplaced since 2019 and its military component, Sudan has been hovering between relative stability and total collapse. The revolution initiated by Sudanese Doctors Association against a backdrop of a moribund economy underscored by massive corruption and taken over and coordinated by the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), kicked Marshal Omar Al-Bashir out of power and seemingly brought the armed conflicts in the country in places where they still smouldered to an end.
The international community had seemingly pitched its tent with Bashir despite the massive opposition and nationwide demonstrations against his rule. It was felt that he had become a sort of a good boy by ending the somewhat protracted conflict in South Sudan and intervened in the Central African Republic (CAR) to facilitate peace as well. So it took a while for the world to come to terms with the determination of the Sudanese people to remove the Field Marshal. Only the African Union (AU) had the Sudanese crisis correctly gauged and it responded appropriately by siding with the mass of the people who wanted change.
The civil-military coalition crafted together to run Sudan took off on a shaky note but with tremendous goodwill from around the world. In particular, the United Nations (UN) felt it had a stake in making the government succeed particularly since Prime Minister Hamdok, appointed to start rebuilding the country, was from its top leadership. Sudan paid a huge price to re-join the comity of nations, including compensating American families of a terrorist act traced to the country under Bashir’s government. The re-absorption of Sudan into the mainstream of global business was however considered too slow by many Sudanese who continued to suffer untold economic deprivations despite the change of government.
The country was also dogged by the question of whether to hand over Mr. Bashir to the International Criminal Court for crimes allegedly committed in Darfur. It is understood that the military and the civilian government were sharply divided on this issue, with the latter favouring the ICC route for the former dictator. The cracks in the coalition government began growing wider possibly with this issue at its origin and many other issues would add to the list of matters on which both sides could not agree. The resultant failed coup against the government, in which the Prime Minister’s vehicle was damaged would only be a sign of deep schism in the polity but by the time the second and now successful coup of 21 October would happen, the seriousness of the crisis in the country had been confirmed beyond reasonable doubt.
Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan of the Sudanese Armed Forces and his close buddy, Gen Dagalo “Hametti” of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) effectively took power to the chagrin of their hitherto civilian allies and the utter dismay of the Sudanese people. Here is a country grappling a collapsed economy, social tensions, frequent and unpredictable outbreak of violence, regional threats from Libya and Chad and the devastating impact of climate change. These are underscored by huge unemployment and unbridled inflation. Yet all the Generals can think of is how to keep power for themselves rather than facilitate the transition of Sudan into a modern State so it can take its rightful leadership place in Africa and the world. Mediators and indeed the international community need to nudge the Generals back from the brink and retrieve the pistol with which they’ve been playing Russian roulette with the lives of the Sudanese people.
After many months of tension between the civilian component of the transitional government emplaced since 2019 and its military component, Sudan has been hovering between relative stability and total collapse. The revolution initiated by Sudanese Doctors Association against a backdrop of a moribund economy underscored by massive corruption and taken over and coordinated by the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), kicked Marshal Omar Al-Bashir out of power and seemingly brought the armed conflicts in the country in places where they still smouldered to an end.
The international community had seemingly pitched its tent with Bashir despite the massive opposition and nationwide demonstrations against his rule. It was felt that he had become a sort of a good boy by ending the somewhat protracted conflict in South Sudan and intervened in the Central African Republic (CAR) to facilitate peace as well. So it took a while for the world to come to terms with the determination of the Sudanese people to remove the Field Marshal. Only the African Union (AU) had the Sudanese crisis correctly gauged and it responded appropriately by siding with the mass of the people who wanted change.
The civil-military coalition crafted together to run Sudan took off on a shaky note but with tremendous goodwill from around the world. In particular, the United Nations (UN) felt it had a stake in making the government succeed particularly since Prime Minister Hamdok, appointed to start rebuilding the country, was from its top leadership. Sudan paid a huge price to re-join the comity of nations, including compensating American families of a terrorist act traced to the country under Bashir’s government. The re-absorption of Sudan into the mainstream of global business was however considered too slow by many Sudanese who continued to suffer untold economic deprivations despite the change of government.
The country was also dogged by the question of whether to hand over Mr. Bashir to the International Criminal Court for crimes allegedly committed in Darfur. It is understood that the military and the civilian government were sharply divided on this issue, with the latter favouring the ICC route for the former dictator. The cracks in the coalition government began growing wider possibly with this issue at its origin and many other issues would add to the list of matters on which both sides could not agree. The resultant failed coup against the government, in which the Prime Minister’s vehicle was damaged would only be a sign of deep schism in the polity but by the time the second and now successful coup of 21 October would happen, the seriousness of the crisis in the country had been confirmed beyond reasonable doubt.
Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan of the Sudanese Armed Forces and his close buddy, Gen Dagalo “Hametti” of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) effectively took power to the chagrin of their hitherto civilian allies and the utter dismay of the Sudanese people. Here is a country grappling a collapsed economy, social tensions, frequent and unpredictable outbreak of violence, regional threats from Libya and Chad and the devastating impact of climate change. These are underscored by huge unemployment and unbridled inflation. Yet all the Generals can think of is how to keep power for themselves rather than facilitate the transition of Sudan into a modern State so it can take its rightful leadership place in Africa and the world. Mediators and indeed the international community need to nudge the Generals back from the brink and retrieve the pistol with which they’ve been playing Russian roulette with the lives of the Sudanese people.
ETHIOPIA - TIME TO FACE THE TRUTH
Ethiopia. Picture courtesy of FIA Foundation
Published on November 10 2021
The mess in Ethiopia should worry all peace-loving people across our continent and indeed around the world. A disagreement between the Federal Government in Addis Ababa and the regional government in Tigray degenerated into an exchange of fire and has now been exacerbated into a major armed conflict threatening to spread beyond Ethiopia to engulf the rest of the region.
This is no time to point accusing fingers. It is time to come together and douse the flames that have already consumed scores of lives and displaced thousands if not millions. In August 2021, the African Union (AU) appointed former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo as its Special Envoy to initiate and lead mediation efforts in “the Horn of Africa.” That remit presupposes that his work will extend beyond the Ethiopian conflict and could include other issues (such as the concerns raised by neighbours as a result of the construction of a dam on the Nile by Ethiopia which is further discussed in this analysis). There are those that have criticised the AU and accused it of already being biased, the fact however remains that an African solution to the problem is more desirable. The UA should therefore exhibit more openness and transparency and aggregate all the contentious issues as it seeks to find a solution.
Resolving the Ethiopian crisis ought to invite deep introspection, which all concerned stakeholders must engage in. Amongst others and without prejudice to the main issues in focus, questions ought to be asked about why regional governments maintain militias in Ethiopia. This is because it is a given that in every Federal state, the federating units often surrender part of their ‘sovereignty’ to the centre, including accepting not to have their own army. It is clear that the problem, and not just now but even in past conflicts in Ethiopia, has often been complicated by the fact that regional armies exist in that country. Federations like the United States, Brazil, Nigeria and even a con-federal State like Switzerland all have one central military. It would therefore be useful for those trying to resolve the crisis in Ethiopia to raise this issue as it is crucial to the peaceful co-existence of the peoples of there today and in the future. Guarantees to maintain a truly federal military must be part of the resolution of the process as an incentive to demobilize regional militias.
Additionally, the problem of a minority ethnic group (or even a majority ethnic nationality for that matter) dominating a multi-ethnic country like Ethiopia should also be explored and resolved to the satisfaction of all stakeholders. Doing so will involve parties beyond the Federal Government led by Abiy Ahmed. Ethnic balancing is critical to the authoritative allocation of values in Ethiopia if truth must be told and it does not serve anyone’s interest that in in the 21st century, some ethnic groups see themselves as divinely ordained to lead or dominate the country. Such mentality is a recipe for chaos and continued instability.
Lastly, the influence and role of external forces in the on-going crisis should also be considered and the mediators should not be shy of addressing this. Some observers believe that the construction of the Grand Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile by Ethiopia—an act that stoked tensions with regional power Egypt and close neighbour The Sudan—could have caused these two countries to intervene covertly and exploit the situation to their own advantage. If true, this would be a sad commentary indeed and the international community must robustly discourage such intervention. If not addressed, it holds a potential for further crisis not just in Ethiopia but in the region as neighbours pick their allies and dig deeper into rigid positions. The collapse of Ethiopia will be an unmitigated disaster, given its huge population and strategic position and this must not be allowed to happen.
Lessons to be drawn from the malaria vaccine
Photo Credit: Salon.com
Published on October 9 2021
The recent announcement of the successful testing of a new malaria vaccine is heart-warming indeed. This is because many countries in Africa and Asia suffer from this disease, especially children under the age of five years and putting the scourge under control has been a big problem for several decades. This announcement has therefore brought a ray of hope that the dark days that saw 1 million people die every year from the disease are about to end.
In a technical article brilliantly written on the subject by Dr. Ifeanyi Nsofor, Senior Atlantic Fellow for Health Equity at George Washington University and published by Project Syndicate last June, we can conclude that though clinical trials were encouraging, the vaccine, which took 32 years to be developed by GlaxoSmithKline at a cost of over USD700m, is able to prevent four in ten cases of malaria amongst children aged between 5-17 months, reduces hospitalisation and can cut the need for blood transfusions in severe cases by almost 30%.
While this is a very progressive and significant improvement in preventing and managing malaria cases in children, especially considering where we are coming from, the data presented above exemplify the need to continue researching for a more effective vaccine. Indeed, the fact that a pharmaceutical company based outside of Africa and Asia would be the one to record this landmark progress challenges those who are really affected by the disease to brace up. It is unthinkable that African and Asian countries would appear less bothered about finding a cure for an ailment that affects them more than any other continent.
Gaskiya.net believes (and we’ve said it before) that Nigeria and South Africa—in the African continent—can lead efforts to improve on what GlaxoSmithKline has achieved. Indeed, given the experience of COVID 19 and the situation that has seen African countries essentially begging for the COVID vaccine, reality dictates that a paradigm shift should be instituted that would see these two countries pooling their intellectual, industrial and financial resources together to lead efforts in research and production of vaccines.
The question now is whether anyone is listening or even doing anything on the lines we have suggested. It is important for civil society organisations to latch onto this reasoning and start putting pressure on these two countries to lead the way. Africa can no longer afford to depend on the goodwill of donors for life-saving vaccines, when in some cases, the latter could themselves have their own challenges as we have seen on the COVID issue. It will surely not be because resources are lacking as we believe that what really is the problem is the mind-set that is programmed to only receive aid and not activate resources to turn the tide. Let’s hope someone has actually listened and would do something about it. That would be the way to go!
The recent announcement of the successful testing of a new malaria vaccine is heart-warming indeed. This is because many countries in Africa and Asia suffer from this disease, especially children under the age of five years and putting the scourge under control has been a big problem for several decades. This announcement has therefore brought a ray of hope that the dark days that saw 1 million people die every year from the disease are about to end.
In a technical article brilliantly written on the subject by Dr. Ifeanyi Nsofor, Senior Atlantic Fellow for Health Equity at George Washington University and published by Project Syndicate last June, we can conclude that though clinical trials were encouraging, the vaccine, which took 32 years to be developed by GlaxoSmithKline at a cost of over USD700m, is able to prevent four in ten cases of malaria amongst children aged between 5-17 months, reduces hospitalisation and can cut the need for blood transfusions in severe cases by almost 30%.
While this is a very progressive and significant improvement in preventing and managing malaria cases in children, especially considering where we are coming from, the data presented above exemplify the need to continue researching for a more effective vaccine. Indeed, the fact that a pharmaceutical company based outside of Africa and Asia would be the one to record this landmark progress challenges those who are really affected by the disease to brace up. It is unthinkable that African and Asian countries would appear less bothered about finding a cure for an ailment that affects them more than any other continent.
Gaskiya.net believes (and we’ve said it before) that Nigeria and South Africa—in the African continent—can lead efforts to improve on what GlaxoSmithKline has achieved. Indeed, given the experience of COVID 19 and the situation that has seen African countries essentially begging for the COVID vaccine, reality dictates that a paradigm shift should be instituted that would see these two countries pooling their intellectual, industrial and financial resources together to lead efforts in research and production of vaccines.
The question now is whether anyone is listening or even doing anything on the lines we have suggested. It is important for civil society organisations to latch onto this reasoning and start putting pressure on these two countries to lead the way. Africa can no longer afford to depend on the goodwill of donors for life-saving vaccines, when in some cases, the latter could themselves have their own challenges as we have seen on the COVID issue. It will surely not be because resources are lacking as we believe that what really is the problem is the mind-set that is programmed to only receive aid and not activate resources to turn the tide. Let’s hope someone has actually listened and would do something about it. That would be the way to go!
OBITUARY: Sir Victor Efosa Uwaifo…Biggest phenomenon out of Benin since the 12th century!
Published on September 27 2021
The Benin Empire was one of the greatest global empires and was founded in the 12th century along West Africa’s coastal region in present-day Federal Republic of Nigeria. It grew and became stable until it was vanquished by a reinforced British military force in 1897, after it had made mincemeat of the initial British expeditionary force sent to attack it. At its height in the 16th century, the Oba of Benin (King) exchanged Ambassadors with Portugal and remains perhaps as the only pre-colonial Empire in Africa to have had diplomatic relations with an extra-continental power. After its collapse, the cultural and political significance of Benin only resurfaced when the face of Queen Idia (Iden), the wife of Oba Ewuape, one of the former Obas, was used as the official symbol of the 2nd World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture known as “Festac ’77.”
After the epochal phase of the Benin Empire, the next big thing to come out of that area can be said to be a boy born on March 1 1941. He was named Victor Efosa and he would rule the world of music with a genre all his own! Sir Victor Uwaifo shot to limelight in the 1960s as a recording artiste on the Phillips West African record label owned by the late Badejo Okusanya. Virtually all his songs were hits, ranging from Akwete, to Siwo Siwo, to Sesese, to Do Amen Do, to Joromi, etc. However, his rise was predicated on the great success of his Guitar Boy track that was the rendition of his encounter with a mermaid. The mystique of its lyrics and his dexterity on the guitar were enough to produce the monster hit whose success resonated well beyond Nigeria. From that point onwards, there was no stopping the great man.
Sir Victor was a multi-instrumentalist, although his incredible handling of the guitar overshadowed his expertise on other instruments. His showmanship was peculiar and outstanding, as was his ability to dominate the stage. One of the most incredible things about him was that though he sang exclusively in Edo language—a minority language in a country that boasts of over 500—he was able to captivate the entire Nigerian nation where, though millions did not understand what he sang about, yet nevertheless fell in love with him and his music and became unalloyed fans. He thus became a national icon and it was no surprise that he would become the first Nigerian musician to be given a national honour (Member of the Order of the Niger/MON).
The success of Sir Victor was built on a foundation of hard work, immense academic achievement and the capacity to innovate. He started off playing what was classified as Highlife but soon crafted his own genre of music. Initially, he sported the lead and rhythm guitars, congas and percussions. In those days, solos were performed with the congas or bass drum but as time went on, he infused other guitars and instruments. In particular, he introduced the double neck guitar with 18-strings into the Nigerian music scene and became the poster boy for that instrument not just in Nigeria but in Africa and remained a member of the limited club of impresarios who played it in the world.
Sir Victor went on to achieve academic success—totally alien to musicians of his generation—by obtaining Bachelor’s, Master’s and Doctorate degrees from prestigious Nigerian academic institutions and became an academic himself, rising to the position of Professor. He sculpted incredibly well and his works adorn not just the University of Benin and Edo State, his private museum, but also some other parts of Nigeria.
Sir Victor Uwaifo won several music awards and played live concerts continually for his entire music career. His guitar solos were not only exquisite but incredibly audacious and included acts that often saw him play the strings with his teeth or put the guitar behind his head and twang the strings with perfection! He was never embroiled in any controversy and was an exemplary role model. He mentored several artistes, the most notable being the late Sonny Okosuns with whom he once played together to the delight of a mammoth crowd. There is also talk of how his music influenced the early compositions of the famous Ivorien band, the Magic System.
The transition of one of the greatest guitarists out of the continent of Africa—Sir Victor Efosa Uwaifo—on August 28 2021 in Benin City, Edo State Nigeria took many by surprise. Not because he was not of that age when one could pass on, being exactly 80 years old when he died, but because he had always been fit, trim and in good health. So, not a few people expected him to live well beyond 80.
He left sizeable assets, a strong family and a legacy of iconic musical repertoire. He will be sorely missed.
The Benin Empire was one of the greatest global empires and was founded in the 12th century along West Africa’s coastal region in present-day Federal Republic of Nigeria. It grew and became stable until it was vanquished by a reinforced British military force in 1897, after it had made mincemeat of the initial British expeditionary force sent to attack it. At its height in the 16th century, the Oba of Benin (King) exchanged Ambassadors with Portugal and remains perhaps as the only pre-colonial Empire in Africa to have had diplomatic relations with an extra-continental power. After its collapse, the cultural and political significance of Benin only resurfaced when the face of Queen Idia (Iden), the wife of Oba Ewuape, one of the former Obas, was used as the official symbol of the 2nd World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture known as “Festac ’77.”
After the epochal phase of the Benin Empire, the next big thing to come out of that area can be said to be a boy born on March 1 1941. He was named Victor Efosa and he would rule the world of music with a genre all his own! Sir Victor Uwaifo shot to limelight in the 1960s as a recording artiste on the Phillips West African record label owned by the late Badejo Okusanya. Virtually all his songs were hits, ranging from Akwete, to Siwo Siwo, to Sesese, to Do Amen Do, to Joromi, etc. However, his rise was predicated on the great success of his Guitar Boy track that was the rendition of his encounter with a mermaid. The mystique of its lyrics and his dexterity on the guitar were enough to produce the monster hit whose success resonated well beyond Nigeria. From that point onwards, there was no stopping the great man.
Sir Victor was a multi-instrumentalist, although his incredible handling of the guitar overshadowed his expertise on other instruments. His showmanship was peculiar and outstanding, as was his ability to dominate the stage. One of the most incredible things about him was that though he sang exclusively in Edo language—a minority language in a country that boasts of over 500—he was able to captivate the entire Nigerian nation where, though millions did not understand what he sang about, yet nevertheless fell in love with him and his music and became unalloyed fans. He thus became a national icon and it was no surprise that he would become the first Nigerian musician to be given a national honour (Member of the Order of the Niger/MON).
The success of Sir Victor was built on a foundation of hard work, immense academic achievement and the capacity to innovate. He started off playing what was classified as Highlife but soon crafted his own genre of music. Initially, he sported the lead and rhythm guitars, congas and percussions. In those days, solos were performed with the congas or bass drum but as time went on, he infused other guitars and instruments. In particular, he introduced the double neck guitar with 18-strings into the Nigerian music scene and became the poster boy for that instrument not just in Nigeria but in Africa and remained a member of the limited club of impresarios who played it in the world.
Sir Victor went on to achieve academic success—totally alien to musicians of his generation—by obtaining Bachelor’s, Master’s and Doctorate degrees from prestigious Nigerian academic institutions and became an academic himself, rising to the position of Professor. He sculpted incredibly well and his works adorn not just the University of Benin and Edo State, his private museum, but also some other parts of Nigeria.
Sir Victor Uwaifo won several music awards and played live concerts continually for his entire music career. His guitar solos were not only exquisite but incredibly audacious and included acts that often saw him play the strings with his teeth or put the guitar behind his head and twang the strings with perfection! He was never embroiled in any controversy and was an exemplary role model. He mentored several artistes, the most notable being the late Sonny Okosuns with whom he once played together to the delight of a mammoth crowd. There is also talk of how his music influenced the early compositions of the famous Ivorien band, the Magic System.
The transition of one of the greatest guitarists out of the continent of Africa—Sir Victor Efosa Uwaifo—on August 28 2021 in Benin City, Edo State Nigeria took many by surprise. Not because he was not of that age when one could pass on, being exactly 80 years old when he died, but because he had always been fit, trim and in good health. So, not a few people expected him to live well beyond 80.
He left sizeable assets, a strong family and a legacy of iconic musical repertoire. He will be sorely missed.
ECOWAS and Coups de tat
Published by September 18, 2021
The coup in Guinea, led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, brings to three the number of extra-constitutional changes to have occurred in West Africa over the past one year. First it was in Mali that the regime of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was removed on the strength of massive opposition by the civilian population. (There was a similar action in a non-ECOWAS member-State, Chad, where Mahamat Deby, a General, was imposed on the country after the death of his father, Idris Deby Itno). Aside these two (Mali and Guinea), it should also be noted that there had been extensions to the Constitutions of Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea by the elected leaders of these countries—Alassane Ouattara and Alpha Conde—who both rode roughshod on massive opposition to their ambitions and continued in office, after tinkering with the law to allow themselves unending terms.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), by far the most successful sub-regional bloc in Africa, abhors attaining power through extra-constitutional means. As we stated in a previous analysis, it’s Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (December 2000) expressly forbids this and some States have been sanctioned for taking that route (for more on this, see our analysis published on June 12, 2021). This explains its recent sanctioning of the military rulers in Mali and those in Guinea that recently joined the bandwagon.
From our perspective at Gaskiya.net, it would appear as if the sub-regional body is only responding to symptoms and not making any effort to address the causes of these changes. For instance, why did people rise up in Mali and Guinea? For without those mass uprisings, there would never have been a coup. Furthermore, why did Presidents Alassane Ourattara and Alpha Conde never sanctioned when they changed the constitution of their respective countries to continue in office? Insisting on sanctioning regimes which emerge from the direct action of a leader who subverts his country’s constitution without penalising such leaders is itself untenable.
The fact that two countries in a row—Mali and Guinea—have all slid into military governments invokes on ECOWAS the need to go back to the drawing board and take stock. Perhaps, it’s high time the body determined that any leader who wishes to review his country’s constitution should not be a direct beneficiary of such change. Taking such a decision would ensure that such review is considered best for the country and not the incumbent. There must also be ways of ensuring that referendums on extending constitutional terms limits are audited by the regional body and neutral observers from outside the sub-region to ascertain that the process is free, fair and transparent. So far, it would appear that such processes are undertaken solely for the benefit of incumbents. The attendant oppositions that follow and result in coups might be significantly minimised or prevented if these and other additional measures are taken.
For now, it would appear as if ECOWAS is chasing shadows, rather than dealing with the substance. Its enviable record in ensuring the sustenance of good governance in the sub-region is threatened by this emerging phenomenon which should be nipped in the bud before it gains wider notoriety. ECOWAS has the resources, including in a growing list of resource persons in former Presidents (who respectably relinquished power after their own tenures expired). What it needs to do now is to muster the political will and courage to deal decisively with the problem.
The coup in Guinea, led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, brings to three the number of extra-constitutional changes to have occurred in West Africa over the past one year. First it was in Mali that the regime of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was removed on the strength of massive opposition by the civilian population. (There was a similar action in a non-ECOWAS member-State, Chad, where Mahamat Deby, a General, was imposed on the country after the death of his father, Idris Deby Itno). Aside these two (Mali and Guinea), it should also be noted that there had been extensions to the Constitutions of Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea by the elected leaders of these countries—Alassane Ouattara and Alpha Conde—who both rode roughshod on massive opposition to their ambitions and continued in office, after tinkering with the law to allow themselves unending terms.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), by far the most successful sub-regional bloc in Africa, abhors attaining power through extra-constitutional means. As we stated in a previous analysis, it’s Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (December 2000) expressly forbids this and some States have been sanctioned for taking that route (for more on this, see our analysis published on June 12, 2021). This explains its recent sanctioning of the military rulers in Mali and those in Guinea that recently joined the bandwagon.
From our perspective at Gaskiya.net, it would appear as if the sub-regional body is only responding to symptoms and not making any effort to address the causes of these changes. For instance, why did people rise up in Mali and Guinea? For without those mass uprisings, there would never have been a coup. Furthermore, why did Presidents Alassane Ourattara and Alpha Conde never sanctioned when they changed the constitution of their respective countries to continue in office? Insisting on sanctioning regimes which emerge from the direct action of a leader who subverts his country’s constitution without penalising such leaders is itself untenable.
The fact that two countries in a row—Mali and Guinea—have all slid into military governments invokes on ECOWAS the need to go back to the drawing board and take stock. Perhaps, it’s high time the body determined that any leader who wishes to review his country’s constitution should not be a direct beneficiary of such change. Taking such a decision would ensure that such review is considered best for the country and not the incumbent. There must also be ways of ensuring that referendums on extending constitutional terms limits are audited by the regional body and neutral observers from outside the sub-region to ascertain that the process is free, fair and transparent. So far, it would appear that such processes are undertaken solely for the benefit of incumbents. The attendant oppositions that follow and result in coups might be significantly minimised or prevented if these and other additional measures are taken.
For now, it would appear as if ECOWAS is chasing shadows, rather than dealing with the substance. Its enviable record in ensuring the sustenance of good governance in the sub-region is threatened by this emerging phenomenon which should be nipped in the bud before it gains wider notoriety. ECOWAS has the resources, including in a growing list of resource persons in former Presidents (who respectably relinquished power after their own tenures expired). What it needs to do now is to muster the political will and courage to deal decisively with the problem.
Needed: A New American policy in the international system and its impact on Africa
Published on August 29, 2021
“If we go back briefly into history, we will notice that the US has de facto lost some critical conflicts in the modern era: Korea in the 1950s, Vietnam in the 1970s, Iraq in the 1990s/2000s, Libya as well (and the chaos that has followed), Syria just recently and now Afghanistan. Underpinning US losses is the philosophy behind US foreign policy objectives in these places which simply is to use military force and remove regimes hostile to its interest, whether real or perceived. The formula had always been the same and of course, the results were also always the same. The recent refugee exodus into Europe was a direct consequence of that gunboat diplomacy and its weakness. “
Recent events in Afghanistan impose on Gaskiya.net the need to reflect on the influence and moral authority that the United States bring into the conduct of international relations. This is all the more important because Africa is facing serious threats that could worsen if the US does not rethink its approach to international politics and its strategic alliances as well.
Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger have been battling Boko Haram/ISWAP for over a decade and though great successes have been achieved in this regard, with several territories recaptured, the threat is still there. The US has been a supporter of the fight against these groups, especially under President Donald Trump. Nigeria’s quest for acquiring the counter-insurgency platform—the Super Tucano—was actualised under the Trump Presidency, after President Obama had ditched Africa’s most populous country. President Biden has kept faith with the commitment made by Trump but the fiasco that Afghanistan represents might influence the US in ways that would be inimical to the security interests of Africa.
If we go back briefly into history, we will notice that the US has de facto lost some critical conflicts in the modern era: Korea in the 1950s, Vietnam in the 1970s, Iraq in the 1990s/2000s, Libya as well (and the chaos that has followed), Syria just recently and now Afghanistan. Underpinning US losses is the philosophy behind US foreign policy objectives in these places which simply is to use military force and remove regimes hostile to its interest, whether real or perceived. The formula had always been the same and of course, the results were also always the same. The recent refugee exodus into Europe was a direct consequence of that gunboat diplomacy and its weakness.
The above experiences ought to compel the US to re-think its policy in a strategic way, while reviewing its relations, especially with the developing world. This critical re-think is imperative because the Euro-Atlantic powers are as wary of an emergent China as they are of radical dogma and its capacity to fuel wars. In pondering how to foster their interest in this dynamic environment, the use of only one approach, determinedly, has seriously backfired. To cast this in perspective, America made many more friends around the world with its Peace Corps than it has made with its gunboat diplomacy! Yet, military action has been the predominant approach of US foreign policy when diplomacy had failed; consigning non-kinetic approaches into the trash can so to speak. US allies follow blindly, complicating everything.
Note a few people in Africa believe that the conflicts in the Sahel and around the Lake Chad have some foreign influence, deriving in part, from efforts to contain China’s rising influence on the continent. If this school of thought is correct, then the gaps created by externally sponsored violence invites other actors, notably the ilk of Boko Haram/ISWAP and we have seen the deadly impact of their expeditions. To put it mildly, the rivalry between China and the Euro-Atlantic powers should not be denominated in the blood of innocent Africans.
An America that refuses to undertake a strategic re-think of its instruments of diplomacy and continues with the same approach will do great damage to its own interest, reputation and fabric on the long run and cause even more damage to the rest of the world. Not every government or people will agree with the US or with other nations. There should be other ways of influencing such States without always having to bomb them. A people in favour of its own government today might turn against it when the chips are down. It may not always be expedient for foreign nations to go and “help” such people overthrow their own governments and by so doing, create even worse problems than before.
An America that also retreats from globalisation and international relations to lick its wounds would do an even greater damage to global affairs and could hurt Africa irredeemably. The on-going conflicts in the Lake Chad and Sahelian regions of Africa need the concerted effort of every nation—the US, Russia, China and the rest of Europe—joining hands to help Africa overcome them. The crisis in Libya, including the thousands of fighters with General Khalifa who are now apparently just hanging around with nothing to do are another major threat facing the continent. Defusing that threat in a way that does not create another conflict or several conflicts in Africa would equally require such concerted approach.
America has a big role to play in midwifing a safe conflict transformation in Africa and elsewhere. President Joe Biden has the credentials to lead those efforts as President of the United States. The world needs a powerful USA but one that is fair and equitable in its dealings. That will enhance the moral authority of Uncle Sam and win many more friends for America from around the world.
SPECIAL ANALYSIS
Combating insurgencies inspired by dogma and the lessons from Kabul
Combating insurgencies inspired by dogma and the lessons from Kabul
Taliban fighters inside the Afghan Presidential palace. PHOTO CREDIT: The Independent
Published August 17, 2021
“For Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria who form the sub-regional Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) combating the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) across their common frontiers, there are lessons to be drawn from what has just transpired in south Asia. This also applies to Burkina Faso and Mali, both within the West African sub-region who are also countering dogma-inspired insurgencies on their territories.”
On Sunday 15th, August 2021, combatants fighting under the flag of the Taliban besieged Kabul, capital of Afghanistan and the following day, made a spectacular entry into the city. Before their rather unanticipated entry, President Ashraf Ghani had taken the wise decision to leave the country, lessening tensions and decreasing the chances of more bloodshed that could have occurred in the fight to both capture and defend him.
Before matters came to this point, the United States had invaded Afghanistan after the terrorist attacks visited on her major cities and the Pentagon by Al Qaeda on September 11 2001, in what many saw as a justifiable response, especially after the Taliban, then the de facto government of that country, had flatly refused to hand over Osama Bin Laden to Washington. While the US invasion, executed on the ground by elements of the Northern Alliance backed by CIA advisers and US Air Force bombers overhead succeeded in overthrowing the Taliban, the Americans never really dominated that country. The Taliban remained an ever-present threat and recent events only underscored that fact.
For Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria who form the sub-regional Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) combating the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) across their common frontiers, there are lessons to be drawn from what has just transpired in south Asia. This also applies to Burkina Faso and Mali, both within the West African sub-region who are also countering dogma-inspired insurgencies on their territories. First is the fact that the West could easily back out of a fight (just as easily as they got into it), and especially when it could be most crucial for the war effort. The Americans went into talks with the Taliban (hosted by Qatar) on their plans to withdraw without involving the government they had installed in Kabul! Talk of an infra dig! (Recall that ex-President Sarkozy of France never wanted to fight on the side of Mali against the Azawad insurgents at the onset of the crisis, but President Francois Hollonde who replaced him threw his hat into the ring in favour of the West Africans. This also illustrates the point being made here).
Secondly, the objective of the US in Afghanistan, with the benefit of hindsight, never seemed to have been the same as that of the government in Kabul. Else it would not have sidelined Ashraf Ghani to enter into direct talks with the Taliban. (Note that the US also unilaterally entered into talks with North Korea and without as much as carrying Seoul along). So, if push came to shove, could the West not enter into talks with the insurgents in the Sahel and around the Lake Chad too, sidelining the African allies it claimed to be supporting?
Thirdly is the crisis in Libya, which, from all intents and purposes, contributed significantly to escalating the armed conflict across West Africa and the Sahel. For many Africans, there is absolutely no doubt that the US and its allies created the mess, with the full support of the United Nations, and not only removed Colonel Ghaddafi, but ruptured the ethnic balancing of that country. Seemingly realising the harm done, they then tried to restore order by inspiring and propping up General Khalifa, backing his fight against a Tripoli government that they as members of the UN Security Council recognised and backed. Talking of contradictions, but probably the most dialectical would be the alleged killing of President Idris Deby of Chad (an ally of the West) by elements of Khalifa’s forces (backed by the same West) and the quagmire Africa now faces regarding the question of what to do with the thousands of combatants in Khalifa’s payroll who may soon be unleashed on the rest of the continent with the likely end of the conflict in Libya.
At this juncture, it is necessary to digress a little and ponder over a few pertinent observations. If the United States were a developing country, the western media would have demanded to know how come it allegedly spent USD2 Trillion in Afghanistan in 20 years and where exactly that money went. Secondly, it would have wanted a full account of the human losses incurred (estimated at 4’000 soldiers) and whether commanders of US forces needed to account for such huge casualties. None of these questions would be asked, simply because, yes, you guessed right, the US is not a developing country and the western media does not hold every country to the same standards. More intriguing would be the challenge of trying to answer the question as to whether America really did achieve its objective in that country or whether the best military in the world was once again defeated by an insurgent force that dictated the mode of battle and strengthened the claim of some experts that the US is usually largely preparing (through its doctrine and order of battle) to fight wars that are unlikely to occur.
Returning to the subject in focus and by way of conclusion, Gaskiya.net hopes that leaders across Africa are aware of the risks inherent in the coalitions formed with western countries in the fight against insurgencies that are playing out in some regions and will factor in the elements addressed in this analysis in their planning and projections. Recent events in Afghanistan have been an eye opener but it would be tragic if the lessons therefrom are missed.
“For Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria who form the sub-regional Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) combating the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) across their common frontiers, there are lessons to be drawn from what has just transpired in south Asia. This also applies to Burkina Faso and Mali, both within the West African sub-region who are also countering dogma-inspired insurgencies on their territories.”
On Sunday 15th, August 2021, combatants fighting under the flag of the Taliban besieged Kabul, capital of Afghanistan and the following day, made a spectacular entry into the city. Before their rather unanticipated entry, President Ashraf Ghani had taken the wise decision to leave the country, lessening tensions and decreasing the chances of more bloodshed that could have occurred in the fight to both capture and defend him.
Before matters came to this point, the United States had invaded Afghanistan after the terrorist attacks visited on her major cities and the Pentagon by Al Qaeda on September 11 2001, in what many saw as a justifiable response, especially after the Taliban, then the de facto government of that country, had flatly refused to hand over Osama Bin Laden to Washington. While the US invasion, executed on the ground by elements of the Northern Alliance backed by CIA advisers and US Air Force bombers overhead succeeded in overthrowing the Taliban, the Americans never really dominated that country. The Taliban remained an ever-present threat and recent events only underscored that fact.
For Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria who form the sub-regional Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) combating the Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP) across their common frontiers, there are lessons to be drawn from what has just transpired in south Asia. This also applies to Burkina Faso and Mali, both within the West African sub-region who are also countering dogma-inspired insurgencies on their territories. First is the fact that the West could easily back out of a fight (just as easily as they got into it), and especially when it could be most crucial for the war effort. The Americans went into talks with the Taliban (hosted by Qatar) on their plans to withdraw without involving the government they had installed in Kabul! Talk of an infra dig! (Recall that ex-President Sarkozy of France never wanted to fight on the side of Mali against the Azawad insurgents at the onset of the crisis, but President Francois Hollonde who replaced him threw his hat into the ring in favour of the West Africans. This also illustrates the point being made here).
Secondly, the objective of the US in Afghanistan, with the benefit of hindsight, never seemed to have been the same as that of the government in Kabul. Else it would not have sidelined Ashraf Ghani to enter into direct talks with the Taliban. (Note that the US also unilaterally entered into talks with North Korea and without as much as carrying Seoul along). So, if push came to shove, could the West not enter into talks with the insurgents in the Sahel and around the Lake Chad too, sidelining the African allies it claimed to be supporting?
Thirdly is the crisis in Libya, which, from all intents and purposes, contributed significantly to escalating the armed conflict across West Africa and the Sahel. For many Africans, there is absolutely no doubt that the US and its allies created the mess, with the full support of the United Nations, and not only removed Colonel Ghaddafi, but ruptured the ethnic balancing of that country. Seemingly realising the harm done, they then tried to restore order by inspiring and propping up General Khalifa, backing his fight against a Tripoli government that they as members of the UN Security Council recognised and backed. Talking of contradictions, but probably the most dialectical would be the alleged killing of President Idris Deby of Chad (an ally of the West) by elements of Khalifa’s forces (backed by the same West) and the quagmire Africa now faces regarding the question of what to do with the thousands of combatants in Khalifa’s payroll who may soon be unleashed on the rest of the continent with the likely end of the conflict in Libya.
At this juncture, it is necessary to digress a little and ponder over a few pertinent observations. If the United States were a developing country, the western media would have demanded to know how come it allegedly spent USD2 Trillion in Afghanistan in 20 years and where exactly that money went. Secondly, it would have wanted a full account of the human losses incurred (estimated at 4’000 soldiers) and whether commanders of US forces needed to account for such huge casualties. None of these questions would be asked, simply because, yes, you guessed right, the US is not a developing country and the western media does not hold every country to the same standards. More intriguing would be the challenge of trying to answer the question as to whether America really did achieve its objective in that country or whether the best military in the world was once again defeated by an insurgent force that dictated the mode of battle and strengthened the claim of some experts that the US is usually largely preparing (through its doctrine and order of battle) to fight wars that are unlikely to occur.
Returning to the subject in focus and by way of conclusion, Gaskiya.net hopes that leaders across Africa are aware of the risks inherent in the coalitions formed with western countries in the fight against insurgencies that are playing out in some regions and will factor in the elements addressed in this analysis in their planning and projections. Recent events in Afghanistan have been an eye opener but it would be tragic if the lessons therefrom are missed.
Nigeria and South Africa can break the cycle of COVID transmission in Africa
Published on August 8 2021
“In view of this development, Gaskiya.net wonders as to why Nigeria (Africa’s largest economy) and South Africa (most industrialised economy) cannot come together to install a continental infrastructure to deal with the most pressing problem—developing or manufacturing (already existing) vaccines. Surely, both countries have the money, intellectual capacity and industrial capability to drive such an endeavour.”
The resurgence of COVID 19 (or is it COVID 21?) due to the fast spreading mutant of the previous strain as seen in the new Delta variant has become a great source of concern for world leaders. We have seen countries that had seemingly tamed the virus re-imposing lockdowns in one form or the other as a result of this dangerously spreading variant ostensibly originating from India.
As the world grapples with the challenges of vaccinating more people in order to break the cycle of transmission and its deadly effect, African countries are reportedly under-immunised against this virus. The initial phase of vaccinations had left the continent seriously exposed, particularly South Africa that had to rapidly vaccinate its population to stem the tide of the spread. Despite having its money, South Africa had to contend with significant shortages in vaccine due to unavailability and after even purchasing one of the specified vaccines, it would later find out that that particular type wasn’t effective at all against the Delta variant.
Other countries with significant populations at risk such as Egypt, Nigeria and Kenya struggled to keep the virus in check. In the case of Nigeria, there was an initial success because the strategy adopted worked well even if the vaccines were not that many: authorities simply focused on the 7 or so States that were most severely affected, vaccinating medical workers, the elderly, the vulnerable (those with underlying illnesses) and they were able to therefore manage well. However, the non-compliance with extant health regulations by mostly those travelling and the capacity of the new variant to spread rapidly is creating a dangerous public health challenge for the Nigerian authorities to manage.
In view of this development, Gaskiya.net wonders as to why Nigeria (Africa’s largest economy) and South Africa (most industrialised economy) cannot come together to install a continental infrastructure to deal with the most pressing problem—developing or manufacturing (already existing) vaccines. Surely, both countries have the money, intellectual capacity and industrial capability to drive such an endeavour. With the progressive and proactive African Development Bank that the continent is presently blessed with, major impact can be created if such synergy in deployed. It is however not happening, thereby condemning the continent’s 1.2 billion people to the machinations of the multinationals dominating the global pharmaceutical and pharmacological industry.
We strongly believe that forging such partnership is the best way forward because experts have warned that the word is likely to face pandemics of this nature more frequently, given the expansion in global population and the stronger interconnectivity between peoples and States as a result of the combined reality of globalisation and the ease of travel that has attended it. Setting up latent capacity to deal with the current threat is therefore not only desirable, but a necessity as that structure and the experience to be gained from managing it will help the continent deal with future pandemics.
COVID is not going away soon but for the vast number of African people not to be swept away by its deadly impact, there is a need for greater collaboration of the sort we have just espoused. Let us hope the powers-that-be are reading…and will act!
“In view of this development, Gaskiya.net wonders as to why Nigeria (Africa’s largest economy) and South Africa (most industrialised economy) cannot come together to install a continental infrastructure to deal with the most pressing problem—developing or manufacturing (already existing) vaccines. Surely, both countries have the money, intellectual capacity and industrial capability to drive such an endeavour.”
The resurgence of COVID 19 (or is it COVID 21?) due to the fast spreading mutant of the previous strain as seen in the new Delta variant has become a great source of concern for world leaders. We have seen countries that had seemingly tamed the virus re-imposing lockdowns in one form or the other as a result of this dangerously spreading variant ostensibly originating from India.
As the world grapples with the challenges of vaccinating more people in order to break the cycle of transmission and its deadly effect, African countries are reportedly under-immunised against this virus. The initial phase of vaccinations had left the continent seriously exposed, particularly South Africa that had to rapidly vaccinate its population to stem the tide of the spread. Despite having its money, South Africa had to contend with significant shortages in vaccine due to unavailability and after even purchasing one of the specified vaccines, it would later find out that that particular type wasn’t effective at all against the Delta variant.
Other countries with significant populations at risk such as Egypt, Nigeria and Kenya struggled to keep the virus in check. In the case of Nigeria, there was an initial success because the strategy adopted worked well even if the vaccines were not that many: authorities simply focused on the 7 or so States that were most severely affected, vaccinating medical workers, the elderly, the vulnerable (those with underlying illnesses) and they were able to therefore manage well. However, the non-compliance with extant health regulations by mostly those travelling and the capacity of the new variant to spread rapidly is creating a dangerous public health challenge for the Nigerian authorities to manage.
In view of this development, Gaskiya.net wonders as to why Nigeria (Africa’s largest economy) and South Africa (most industrialised economy) cannot come together to install a continental infrastructure to deal with the most pressing problem—developing or manufacturing (already existing) vaccines. Surely, both countries have the money, intellectual capacity and industrial capability to drive such an endeavour. With the progressive and proactive African Development Bank that the continent is presently blessed with, major impact can be created if such synergy in deployed. It is however not happening, thereby condemning the continent’s 1.2 billion people to the machinations of the multinationals dominating the global pharmaceutical and pharmacological industry.
We strongly believe that forging such partnership is the best way forward because experts have warned that the word is likely to face pandemics of this nature more frequently, given the expansion in global population and the stronger interconnectivity between peoples and States as a result of the combined reality of globalisation and the ease of travel that has attended it. Setting up latent capacity to deal with the current threat is therefore not only desirable, but a necessity as that structure and the experience to be gained from managing it will help the continent deal with future pandemics.
COVID is not going away soon but for the vast number of African people not to be swept away by its deadly impact, there is a need for greater collaboration of the sort we have just espoused. Let us hope the powers-that-be are reading…and will act!
OBITUARY:
Sound Sultan—Speaking truth to power, admonishing the masses!
The late Olanrewaju Abdul
Ganiyu Fasasi aka Sound Sultan. Picture courtesy of tribuneonlineng.com
Published on July 14, 2021
Nigerians woke up to the rude shock of the passing of one of the country’s greatest artistes in her contemporary history. Olanrewaju Abdul Ganiyu Fasasi, popularly known as “Sound Sultan” passed on in the US State of New Jersey on June 11, 2021 after a brave battle with throat cancer.
While news of his illness had been unknown to millions of people, his creativity, sterling act and impactful lyrics could be likened to a 7-course menu that those same fans and admirers had savoured for the almost two decades that were blessed by his very successful musical career.
At a time when musicians composed and released commercial music, Sound Sultan wrote songs that either mirrored society, or directly spoke truth to power—and he was widely accepted and hugely successful! He was as comfortable chastising the power elite as he was admonishing ordinary folk to embrace good values. In “Mathematics,” the song that unarguably shot him into limelight, Sultan waxed didactic to our continent’s rulers as he advanced a panacea for taking the continent of Africa out of the doldrums. Mathematics, he sang, was the way out of our “jagbajantis” (a Yoruba euphemism for an intricate rough patch—which aptly described the state our continent was in), but only by applying BODMAS (‘B’ for brotherhood; ‘O’ for objectivity; ‘D’ for democracy; ‘M’ for modification; ‘A’ for accountability; ‘S’ for solidarity). Indeed, if we embraced Sultan’s version of the Bodmas formula, Africa would be on its way out of the quagmire she has found herself.
In “Bushmeat,” a song that critics agree was way ahead of its time, Sultan warns political leaders that a time will come when the hunter will become the hunted. Indeed, the masses of our people who were bearing the brunt of their misrule would rise to fight back. It did happen, typified by the Arab Spring, the #Blacklives Matter movement, the #EndSARS campaign etc. “Ole” is the Yoruba word for a thief. He likens the pervasive abuse of power by those entrusted with it to stealing (which also takes place within the framework of an overall abuse of power) the commonwealth and future of the people, interjecting the song with semi-chants of “Ole” to infuse power into the message he transmitted.
In “Ajo o da bi ile,’’ (an alien land is no better than home), Sultan warns those who have travelled in search of greener pastures to remember that family and friends suffered to raise money to fund their travel and to therefore not forget to repay such favour and indeed, ultimately to remain connected to their roots and better still, return home. That song came at a time it was fashionable for many to leave the shores of Nigeria. Interestingly, in what confirms the prophetic nature of his songs, we would witness the great migration into Europe about a decade later as many took unprecedented risks, sometimes trekking through the vast Sahara or taking flight on rickety boats on the Mediterranean sea as they fled conflict and economic woes to try and find peace and succor in Europe and the North America.
Sound Sultan sang in a mixture of Yoruba, Pidgin English and English languages in a masterful, seamless fashion that accentuated the sanctity of his message. He was a good guitarist, composer and arranger. He mentored younger artistes, contributed to raising newer stars in the industry and deserves credit for being one of the pioneers of “Afrobeat” that has today become the dominant music genre out of Nigeria to the whole wide world.
According to Kenny Ogungbe, CEO of the famous Kennis Music, Sultan groomed and mentored many artistes who have today themselves become big names in the industry. Outside of music, he greatly supported the growth of basketball in Nigeria and was co-owner of a professional basketball club—Lagos City Stars, which won the National Basketball competition in 2017. In honour of his support for the game, the Nigerian Basketball Federation (NBBF) dedicated the wins by D’Tigers (Nigeria’s senior male basketball team) to his memory after the team defeated the US and Argentina in a string of exhibition games on 11th and 12th July 2021 respectively.
To underscore how deeply his death was felt nationwide, President Muhammadu Buhari said “The deceased was kind, generous, and deeply passionate about issues in the country, which reflected in his music and art, and as an avid basketball fan, he made telling contributions to the development of local basketball in the country.”
His death at the age of 44 has been painful and grievous. The consolation however is that his legacy is strong and positive and assuages the sorrow and pain of his transition. May his soul rest in peace!
Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad and Mali: Is ECOWAS slowly losing ground to undemocratic forces?
Published on June 12 2021
Until the recent past, it was unthinkable for any regime within the West African sub-region to tamper with the country’s constitution to extend its term of office or to out rightly overthrow the prevailing democratic order. In fact, the Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (December 2000) of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) expressly forbids this. That proviso therefore influenced the response of ECOWAS to regimes or States that violated it.
This would explain the intervention of ECOWAS in Sierra Leone when the military, led by Lt.-Col. Johnny Paul Koroma, overthrew the government of President Ahmad Tedjan Kabba in May 1997 and foisted itself on the people. Even though Sierra Leone was engulfed by a most harrowing civil war, ECOWAS launched a military intervention (ECOWAS Military Observer Group-ECOMOG) that removed the military regime and reinstated President Kabba.
A similar situation had played out in Guinea-Bissau, following political and security upheaval that began in 1998-1999 when elected President Nino Vieira accused his Chief of Army Staff Gen Ansumane Mane of supplying weapons to Casamance separatists fighting against the Senegalese state. A succession of events ultimately contributed to a mutiny by the military on 6 October 2004, that threatened the democratic structure of the country. It would indeed be a long road for the restoration of normalcy in Guinea Bissau, but ECOWAS remained resolute despite the challenges presented by the situation and over several years. The critical role played by its military stabilization instrument, ECOMIB, was acknowledged by the United Nations Security Council on February 18, 2015 vide UN Resolution S/RES 2203 of 2015.
The most recent and perhaps most successful example of preventive diplomacy by ECOWAS would be the forced exit of former President Yahaya Jammeh of The Gambia, who, despite accepting the outcome of elections held in December 2016 in which he lost, reversed himself and refused to step down from power after 22 years in office. ECOWAS launched the “ECOWAS Mission in Gambia,” ECOMIG—a military force of some 7 battalions drawn from Senegal, Nigeria, Ghana, Mali and Togo, inclusive of naval and air platforms. Jammeh fled into exile, on the heels of the overwhelming military force mounted to pressurise him.
In recent months, these laudable initiatives by ECOWAS seem to have been jettisoned. President Alpha Condé of Guinea altered that country’s Constitution and gave himself a third term despite opposition from many within and outside the country and despite having been in power since 2010. President Alassane Ouattara of Cote d’Ivoire, who had also been in power since 2010, did what Condé successfully undertook by announcing his candidature for the 2020 elections after the Constitution had also been altered to allow him run, despite violent protests in Abidjan and across the country. He won the October elections that year with 95.31% of the votes. Turnout was just 53.90% of registered voters.
In both situations cited above, ECOWAS was powerless to impose its opposition to what many democrats and civil society groups in West Africa saw as tampering with constitutional provisions to foster authoritarian regimes in those countries. These situations however further underscore the challenges ECOWAS continue to face in trying to enforce its Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, especially when viewed against recent developments in Chad, where, following the death of President Idris Deby Itno this year, the military sacked the democratic structure and installed his son, Mahamet Itno, a General in the Army, as his successor. ECOWAS tolerated this change on the strength of its worry that the insurgency that claimed the life of Deby senior might worsen the security challenge facing countries of the Lake Chad region on account of the terrorism unleashed by Boko Haram and ISWAP.
That thinking would appear to have forced ECOWAS to also accept a military coup that toppled the transitional government in Mali, installed after very difficult negotiations led by former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, following the uprising last year that toppled President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. With the recent swearing-in of Colonel Assimi Göita as Head of State, ECOWAS, a sub-regional instrument that has earned the respect of many across the world for ensuring democracy and good governance in West Africa, seems at a loss as to how to manage four direct and clear infractions within its ranks—all within 18 months.
The example of Sierra Leone, cited at the beginning of this analysis, would have been a clear benchmark to guide ECOWAS in dealing with Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad and Mali. For despite being in the throes of a debilitating civil war, ECOWAS stood its ground and re-imposed democracy in Sierra Leone. This has however not been the case given the recent examples mentioned and not a few people are now worried that ECOWAS might slowly losing ground to undemocratic forces and may find it difficult, if not impossible, to regain its credibility once more.
Until the recent past, it was unthinkable for any regime within the West African sub-region to tamper with the country’s constitution to extend its term of office or to out rightly overthrow the prevailing democratic order. In fact, the Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (December 2000) of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) expressly forbids this. That proviso therefore influenced the response of ECOWAS to regimes or States that violated it.
This would explain the intervention of ECOWAS in Sierra Leone when the military, led by Lt.-Col. Johnny Paul Koroma, overthrew the government of President Ahmad Tedjan Kabba in May 1997 and foisted itself on the people. Even though Sierra Leone was engulfed by a most harrowing civil war, ECOWAS launched a military intervention (ECOWAS Military Observer Group-ECOMOG) that removed the military regime and reinstated President Kabba.
A similar situation had played out in Guinea-Bissau, following political and security upheaval that began in 1998-1999 when elected President Nino Vieira accused his Chief of Army Staff Gen Ansumane Mane of supplying weapons to Casamance separatists fighting against the Senegalese state. A succession of events ultimately contributed to a mutiny by the military on 6 October 2004, that threatened the democratic structure of the country. It would indeed be a long road for the restoration of normalcy in Guinea Bissau, but ECOWAS remained resolute despite the challenges presented by the situation and over several years. The critical role played by its military stabilization instrument, ECOMIB, was acknowledged by the United Nations Security Council on February 18, 2015 vide UN Resolution S/RES 2203 of 2015.
The most recent and perhaps most successful example of preventive diplomacy by ECOWAS would be the forced exit of former President Yahaya Jammeh of The Gambia, who, despite accepting the outcome of elections held in December 2016 in which he lost, reversed himself and refused to step down from power after 22 years in office. ECOWAS launched the “ECOWAS Mission in Gambia,” ECOMIG—a military force of some 7 battalions drawn from Senegal, Nigeria, Ghana, Mali and Togo, inclusive of naval and air platforms. Jammeh fled into exile, on the heels of the overwhelming military force mounted to pressurise him.
In recent months, these laudable initiatives by ECOWAS seem to have been jettisoned. President Alpha Condé of Guinea altered that country’s Constitution and gave himself a third term despite opposition from many within and outside the country and despite having been in power since 2010. President Alassane Ouattara of Cote d’Ivoire, who had also been in power since 2010, did what Condé successfully undertook by announcing his candidature for the 2020 elections after the Constitution had also been altered to allow him run, despite violent protests in Abidjan and across the country. He won the October elections that year with 95.31% of the votes. Turnout was just 53.90% of registered voters.
In both situations cited above, ECOWAS was powerless to impose its opposition to what many democrats and civil society groups in West Africa saw as tampering with constitutional provisions to foster authoritarian regimes in those countries. These situations however further underscore the challenges ECOWAS continue to face in trying to enforce its Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, especially when viewed against recent developments in Chad, where, following the death of President Idris Deby Itno this year, the military sacked the democratic structure and installed his son, Mahamet Itno, a General in the Army, as his successor. ECOWAS tolerated this change on the strength of its worry that the insurgency that claimed the life of Deby senior might worsen the security challenge facing countries of the Lake Chad region on account of the terrorism unleashed by Boko Haram and ISWAP.
That thinking would appear to have forced ECOWAS to also accept a military coup that toppled the transitional government in Mali, installed after very difficult negotiations led by former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, following the uprising last year that toppled President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. With the recent swearing-in of Colonel Assimi Göita as Head of State, ECOWAS, a sub-regional instrument that has earned the respect of many across the world for ensuring democracy and good governance in West Africa, seems at a loss as to how to manage four direct and clear infractions within its ranks—all within 18 months.
The example of Sierra Leone, cited at the beginning of this analysis, would have been a clear benchmark to guide ECOWAS in dealing with Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire, Chad and Mali. For despite being in the throes of a debilitating civil war, ECOWAS stood its ground and re-imposed democracy in Sierra Leone. This has however not been the case given the recent examples mentioned and not a few people are now worried that ECOWAS might slowly losing ground to undemocratic forces and may find it difficult, if not impossible, to regain its credibility once more.
Nigeria must urgently expand and re-equip its police and domestic intelligence service
PHOTO CREDIT: thewillnigeria.com
Published on June 5 2021
The appearance of Nigeria’s security chiefs at a session called by the Federal Parliament in Abuja recently was inevitable, given the growing calls for answers to the worsening security situation in the country. To say that Nigerians have become frustrated by not just the security problems in the country but the seeming lack of capacity and willingness by the authorities to deal with them will be an understatement. It was thus a logical development for the National Assembly to invite the service chiefs.
Gen. Leo Irabor (Chief of Defence Staff); Lt.-Gen. Ibrahim Attahiru (Chief of Army Staff, now deceased); Vice-Adm. Awwal Gambo (Chief of the Naval Staff) and Air Marshal Dayo Amao (Chief of Air Staff) all showed up in battle fatigues, accompanied by Usman Alkali Baba, Nigeria’s foremost cop. The session with these officers was held behind closed doors but from what transpired before the secret session began, it looked obvious that focus would be on the kinetic approach.
It is here that Gaskiya.net disagrees with the Nigerian authorities, who have consistently emphasised military action without any comprehensive plan to address the root causes of the insecurity problems in the country. Upon the assumption of office of President Muhammadu Buhari, it was necessary to rebuild the military, especially the infantry, armoured divisions, Special Forces and the Air Force. Credible steps were taken, including encouraging domestic production of military equipment. The administration scored great successes in those areas and we saw it translate immediately into action as swathes of territory were recaptured from Boko Haram.
However, there were no plans of what to do in the next phase and this may have accounted for the growing relapse into insecurity. (In a previous analysis, we identified wastefulness and impunity by Nigeria’s State Governments as largely contributing to the security problems). The “rehabilitation” of captured Boko Haram and ISWAP fighters is also a policy that is highly unpopular amongst all Nigerians, including those in the country’s armed forces. Not being done the right way and at the right time, it has the potential of demotivating soldiers and by extension, their families and the overall civilian population. While such captured fighters should be tried fairly, only those who are children (below the age of 18 years) could at this stage be “rehabilitated,” in the view of some experts we spoke to, an action that would be consistent with global best practices as it is taken that these children could have been misled to joining the terrorists.
Returning to the session called by the National Assembly, it our belief that it strengthens the approach of the Buhari administration which appears not to have prioritised funding and expanding the police service and building the capacity of the domestic intelligence service. The twin-problems of kidnapping and banditry, as well as armed robbery are crimes that fall squarely within the competence of the police and domestic intelligence services to address, if properly trained, well-staffed and well-funded and equipped. It is not in Nigeria’s interest to “outsource” the functions of these two services to the armed forces—a phenomenon largely encouraged by the previous service chiefs who were never admonished by the administration for taking such approach.
That being said, the fact remains that certain measures are still required to further strengthen the armed forces, especially acquiring airframes that give the country’s Air Force the capability to strike well into the Sahel in order to prevent terrorists from getting to Nigeria’s territory and enhancing the country’s maritime capabilities to aggressively protect its own EEZ and support other African countries (who routinely call for help) to confront pirates in the Gulf of Guinea. This will require increasing the numbers of JF-17 fighter aircraft already being acquired and adding a new frigate and fast missile ships to the order of battle of the Nigerian Navy. These absolutely necessary steps must not be undertaken to the detriment of urgently expanding, re-training and equipping the Nigeria Police on a massive scale and upgrading the capacity of the Department of State Services (the country’s domestic intelligence service) in all ramifications.
State Governments must complement these steps by revoking arbitrary taxes on business and workers, cancelling draconian laws which not only frustrate socio-economic initiatives but also punish misdemeanours and impose unnecessarily huge fines on traffic offenders. They should also abandon the tendency to undertake projects that have no bearing on the well-being of their people in order to be able to free up funds to foster entrepreneurship as well as build a climate that attracts and sustains domestic and foreign investment. It is only through such carrot and stick approach that the insecurity problem in the country can be brought to the lowest level and take Africa’s largest economy back to work.
The appearance of Nigeria’s security chiefs at a session called by the Federal Parliament in Abuja recently was inevitable, given the growing calls for answers to the worsening security situation in the country. To say that Nigerians have become frustrated by not just the security problems in the country but the seeming lack of capacity and willingness by the authorities to deal with them will be an understatement. It was thus a logical development for the National Assembly to invite the service chiefs.
Gen. Leo Irabor (Chief of Defence Staff); Lt.-Gen. Ibrahim Attahiru (Chief of Army Staff, now deceased); Vice-Adm. Awwal Gambo (Chief of the Naval Staff) and Air Marshal Dayo Amao (Chief of Air Staff) all showed up in battle fatigues, accompanied by Usman Alkali Baba, Nigeria’s foremost cop. The session with these officers was held behind closed doors but from what transpired before the secret session began, it looked obvious that focus would be on the kinetic approach.
It is here that Gaskiya.net disagrees with the Nigerian authorities, who have consistently emphasised military action without any comprehensive plan to address the root causes of the insecurity problems in the country. Upon the assumption of office of President Muhammadu Buhari, it was necessary to rebuild the military, especially the infantry, armoured divisions, Special Forces and the Air Force. Credible steps were taken, including encouraging domestic production of military equipment. The administration scored great successes in those areas and we saw it translate immediately into action as swathes of territory were recaptured from Boko Haram.
However, there were no plans of what to do in the next phase and this may have accounted for the growing relapse into insecurity. (In a previous analysis, we identified wastefulness and impunity by Nigeria’s State Governments as largely contributing to the security problems). The “rehabilitation” of captured Boko Haram and ISWAP fighters is also a policy that is highly unpopular amongst all Nigerians, including those in the country’s armed forces. Not being done the right way and at the right time, it has the potential of demotivating soldiers and by extension, their families and the overall civilian population. While such captured fighters should be tried fairly, only those who are children (below the age of 18 years) could at this stage be “rehabilitated,” in the view of some experts we spoke to, an action that would be consistent with global best practices as it is taken that these children could have been misled to joining the terrorists.
Returning to the session called by the National Assembly, it our belief that it strengthens the approach of the Buhari administration which appears not to have prioritised funding and expanding the police service and building the capacity of the domestic intelligence service. The twin-problems of kidnapping and banditry, as well as armed robbery are crimes that fall squarely within the competence of the police and domestic intelligence services to address, if properly trained, well-staffed and well-funded and equipped. It is not in Nigeria’s interest to “outsource” the functions of these two services to the armed forces—a phenomenon largely encouraged by the previous service chiefs who were never admonished by the administration for taking such approach.
That being said, the fact remains that certain measures are still required to further strengthen the armed forces, especially acquiring airframes that give the country’s Air Force the capability to strike well into the Sahel in order to prevent terrorists from getting to Nigeria’s territory and enhancing the country’s maritime capabilities to aggressively protect its own EEZ and support other African countries (who routinely call for help) to confront pirates in the Gulf of Guinea. This will require increasing the numbers of JF-17 fighter aircraft already being acquired and adding a new frigate and fast missile ships to the order of battle of the Nigerian Navy. These absolutely necessary steps must not be undertaken to the detriment of urgently expanding, re-training and equipping the Nigeria Police on a massive scale and upgrading the capacity of the Department of State Services (the country’s domestic intelligence service) in all ramifications.
State Governments must complement these steps by revoking arbitrary taxes on business and workers, cancelling draconian laws which not only frustrate socio-economic initiatives but also punish misdemeanours and impose unnecessarily huge fines on traffic offenders. They should also abandon the tendency to undertake projects that have no bearing on the well-being of their people in order to be able to free up funds to foster entrepreneurship as well as build a climate that attracts and sustains domestic and foreign investment. It is only through such carrot and stick approach that the insecurity problem in the country can be brought to the lowest level and take Africa’s largest economy back to work.
Impunity as a core factor in Nigeria’s internal security crisis.
Armed bandits. (PHOTO CREDIT: The Guardian Nigeria)
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Nigerian soldiers on patrol. (PHOTO CREDIT: The Guardian Nigeria)
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Published on May 22 2021.
It is no longer news that Nigeria is presently bedevilled by an internal security crisis. From the north-west to the north-central, to the south-west, south-south and south east, the country is grappling largely with kidnappings and armed robbery, while the north-east, the location of the over a decade-long terrorist actions by Boko Haram and ISWAP, suffers bouts of significant attacks especially in areas adjacent to Lake Chad, even if most of Yobe, Bauchi and Borno States have been pacified. This general state of insecurity and the fear it has engendered nationwide has instigated a variety of responses, from those calling for military intervention, to those seeking an overhaul of the security architecture, to those calling for an outright dissolution of the Nigerian Federation.
When issues concerning Nigeria are discussed by both Nigerians and foreigners alike, especially those relating to security, one key element that is ignored is the federal system of the country. Nigeria’s 36 States are semi-autonomous, even if the amount of power accruing to those States is still a subject of intense debate. Across the country, there are calls for the Nigeria to “re-structure,” even if the features of such restructuring vary from person to person and from region to region. What appears quite clear however is that many want law enforcement to become part of the functions of the States, but there are those who worry when so-called “fiscal federalism” is promoted (loosely referring to a situation in which States control their material resources).
Given the Nigerian experience and reality, only a few would disagree with calls to re-structure the country. However, touting restructuring as a silver bullet that would take all of the country’s problems away is nothing short of selling a dummy to Nigerians. Such process can only be continuous, especially in a multi-ethnic nation like Nigeria where kingdoms and nation/states had thrived before the British foisted their brand of political arrangement on the country. The example of other federations like the United States equally confirm that amendments to the constitution are natural and a continuous process.
Nigeria’s political elite must come to terms with the reality that even with the limited powers that States purportedly have, impunity by State Governors and State Governments has contributed largely to the challenges of governance in the country, including the current security problems. Not a few of those States have made laws encouraging arbitrary and multiple taxations and empowered bogus task forces and mobile courts to execute those laws and policies to the detriment of their own citizens who elected them into office. The confessions of repentant bandits in the north-west of the country lend credence to allegations of impunity by State officials, forcing some citizens to resort to such heinous crimes in “retaliation” against the same State. In States like Lagos and Rivers, allegations of multiple taxation and anti-business policies and laws are rife, from draconian traffic laws and fines to burdensome commercial taxes. It is particularly worrisome when one considers that these are the two richest States in the country (were Lagos State to be a country, it would have the fifth largest economy in Africa after Nigeria, South Africa, Angola and Kenya). The existence of gangs that terrorise residents is a dangerous warning sign that they are not far from the bandit experience that most of the north is now suffering from.
States in Nigeria are also known for embarking on “white elephant projects” that have little or no bearing on an improvement of the welfare of the people. For example, massive stadia, airports, and other similar projects are built with billions of dollars, only to lie idle for years and fall into disrepair. It is needless to add that funds that could have been used to improve infrastructure and the living conditions of the people are frittered away on such projects, leading to frustration on the part of an increasing number of unemployed youths. Those young people are turning to criminality in order to make a life for themselves and compounding the security situation of the country.
In view of this worrisome breakdown in governance, restructuring Nigeria and giving more powers to Governors who do as they please will not solve Nigeria’s problems but perpetuate and worsen it. It is therefore important for Nigeria’s Governors to focus on policies and programmes that would benefit their peoples and foster development and the buy-in of the population to reduce frustration and the resort to extra-constitutional means by aggrieved persons. The time to start that process is now, as it is needed to accompany any security sector reforms that the country’s National Assembly has pledged to provide funds for.
It is no longer news that Nigeria is presently bedevilled by an internal security crisis. From the north-west to the north-central, to the south-west, south-south and south east, the country is grappling largely with kidnappings and armed robbery, while the north-east, the location of the over a decade-long terrorist actions by Boko Haram and ISWAP, suffers bouts of significant attacks especially in areas adjacent to Lake Chad, even if most of Yobe, Bauchi and Borno States have been pacified. This general state of insecurity and the fear it has engendered nationwide has instigated a variety of responses, from those calling for military intervention, to those seeking an overhaul of the security architecture, to those calling for an outright dissolution of the Nigerian Federation.
When issues concerning Nigeria are discussed by both Nigerians and foreigners alike, especially those relating to security, one key element that is ignored is the federal system of the country. Nigeria’s 36 States are semi-autonomous, even if the amount of power accruing to those States is still a subject of intense debate. Across the country, there are calls for the Nigeria to “re-structure,” even if the features of such restructuring vary from person to person and from region to region. What appears quite clear however is that many want law enforcement to become part of the functions of the States, but there are those who worry when so-called “fiscal federalism” is promoted (loosely referring to a situation in which States control their material resources).
Given the Nigerian experience and reality, only a few would disagree with calls to re-structure the country. However, touting restructuring as a silver bullet that would take all of the country’s problems away is nothing short of selling a dummy to Nigerians. Such process can only be continuous, especially in a multi-ethnic nation like Nigeria where kingdoms and nation/states had thrived before the British foisted their brand of political arrangement on the country. The example of other federations like the United States equally confirm that amendments to the constitution are natural and a continuous process.
Nigeria’s political elite must come to terms with the reality that even with the limited powers that States purportedly have, impunity by State Governors and State Governments has contributed largely to the challenges of governance in the country, including the current security problems. Not a few of those States have made laws encouraging arbitrary and multiple taxations and empowered bogus task forces and mobile courts to execute those laws and policies to the detriment of their own citizens who elected them into office. The confessions of repentant bandits in the north-west of the country lend credence to allegations of impunity by State officials, forcing some citizens to resort to such heinous crimes in “retaliation” against the same State. In States like Lagos and Rivers, allegations of multiple taxation and anti-business policies and laws are rife, from draconian traffic laws and fines to burdensome commercial taxes. It is particularly worrisome when one considers that these are the two richest States in the country (were Lagos State to be a country, it would have the fifth largest economy in Africa after Nigeria, South Africa, Angola and Kenya). The existence of gangs that terrorise residents is a dangerous warning sign that they are not far from the bandit experience that most of the north is now suffering from.
States in Nigeria are also known for embarking on “white elephant projects” that have little or no bearing on an improvement of the welfare of the people. For example, massive stadia, airports, and other similar projects are built with billions of dollars, only to lie idle for years and fall into disrepair. It is needless to add that funds that could have been used to improve infrastructure and the living conditions of the people are frittered away on such projects, leading to frustration on the part of an increasing number of unemployed youths. Those young people are turning to criminality in order to make a life for themselves and compounding the security situation of the country.
In view of this worrisome breakdown in governance, restructuring Nigeria and giving more powers to Governors who do as they please will not solve Nigeria’s problems but perpetuate and worsen it. It is therefore important for Nigeria’s Governors to focus on policies and programmes that would benefit their peoples and foster development and the buy-in of the population to reduce frustration and the resort to extra-constitutional means by aggrieved persons. The time to start that process is now, as it is needed to accompany any security sector reforms that the country’s National Assembly has pledged to provide funds for.
The death of Idris Deby Itno raises more questions than answers
The late President Idris Deby of Chad. Picture courtesy of ghanaweb.com
Published on April 25, 2021
The recent death of President Idris Deby Itno of Chad on the frontlines of his country’s battle with Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT), an armed group threatening to unseat his government (and claiming that its only reason for wanting to do that is to enable it enthrone democracy) shocked the world and led to speculations as to what could happen next.
Deby had come to power in 1990 in a coup/uprising against former President Hissen Habre. He had been one of the Chadians lured by former Libyan leader, Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi to his side. He subsequently “democratised” himself by transitioning from a soldier to a democratic leader and won two elections (1996 and 2001) before term limits were abolished, after which he won 4 more polls. He would also win the last elections held just a few weeks ago but could not be sworn in before his untimely death.
Before Deby’s emergence, Chad had been embroiled in political upheaval, leading to Nigeria playing a big role to manage the first major challenge in the late 1970s that saw General Felix Malloum, its leader, eased out on favourable grounds and exiled to Nigeria, to allow for the formation of a government of national unity (GUNT) in which Goukoni Waddeye and Hissen Habre were the dominant players as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence respectively. However, hardly had the ink on the agreement dried up than Habre gone ahead to unseat Waddeye to become the counry’s ruler. This development was followed by several attempts by both personalities at unseating each other, causing Chad to suffer bouts of political instability.
Some experts believe that the French were apparently unhappy that the Kano Peace Accord that ended the crisis between Malloum, Waddeye and Habre had been engineered by Nigeria, under the auspices of the then Organisaton of African Unity (OAU, now AU) and in the opinion of certain observers, did everything to sabotage it. Afterall, Chad is rich in uranium—a resource that had attracted Colonel Gaddhafi in the first place and thereafter, the French themselves. That Africans would be able to pacify Chad was an alarm bell for the metropolitan colonising power that saw her influence beginning to wane.
The emergence of Deby was thus attributed to the French who came in through the strongman to reassert control. That in itself has led to several speculations, including as to the origin of the violent Boko Haram group itself and the alleged role of Deby played in the scheme of things. Ultimately, the late Chadian leader became a strong advocate of eradicating the terrorist group, after having at several stages played the role of mediator between Nigeria and the group under the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan.
The emergence of Muhammadu Buhari as President of Nigeria in 2015 and his commitment to changing the way the counter-insurgency war was being fought probably caused Deby to change gear. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries, set up to jointly fight Boko Haram (instead of a Western proposal to set up a UN Force), received impetus and Deby fell in line. Whether the west and France in particular were happy with that development is open to speculation. What has not been in doubt is that Deby’s death at the hands of FACT, a group that fought alongside Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces in Libya raises several questions. The General had always been backed by France and against a UN-recognised government in Tripoli (until the recent compromise by all parties to the Libyan conflict). As a demonstration of the support he enjoys, Haftar was well received in Paris on July 25 2017 by the French President and this only adds to the puzzle of Deby’s death in the sense that a group loyal to Haftar, a friend of France, would attack Chad, a country supposedly in the good books of the same France. While this says a lot about the intricacies of big power politics, it also raises questions about the commitment of such powers to the stability of Africa. It is against this background that the death of Idris Deby ought to be viewed and its potential for further complicating the security and stability of the Lake Chad countries examined.
The recent death of President Idris Deby Itno of Chad on the frontlines of his country’s battle with Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT), an armed group threatening to unseat his government (and claiming that its only reason for wanting to do that is to enable it enthrone democracy) shocked the world and led to speculations as to what could happen next.
Deby had come to power in 1990 in a coup/uprising against former President Hissen Habre. He had been one of the Chadians lured by former Libyan leader, Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi to his side. He subsequently “democratised” himself by transitioning from a soldier to a democratic leader and won two elections (1996 and 2001) before term limits were abolished, after which he won 4 more polls. He would also win the last elections held just a few weeks ago but could not be sworn in before his untimely death.
Before Deby’s emergence, Chad had been embroiled in political upheaval, leading to Nigeria playing a big role to manage the first major challenge in the late 1970s that saw General Felix Malloum, its leader, eased out on favourable grounds and exiled to Nigeria, to allow for the formation of a government of national unity (GUNT) in which Goukoni Waddeye and Hissen Habre were the dominant players as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence respectively. However, hardly had the ink on the agreement dried up than Habre gone ahead to unseat Waddeye to become the counry’s ruler. This development was followed by several attempts by both personalities at unseating each other, causing Chad to suffer bouts of political instability.
Some experts believe that the French were apparently unhappy that the Kano Peace Accord that ended the crisis between Malloum, Waddeye and Habre had been engineered by Nigeria, under the auspices of the then Organisaton of African Unity (OAU, now AU) and in the opinion of certain observers, did everything to sabotage it. Afterall, Chad is rich in uranium—a resource that had attracted Colonel Gaddhafi in the first place and thereafter, the French themselves. That Africans would be able to pacify Chad was an alarm bell for the metropolitan colonising power that saw her influence beginning to wane.
The emergence of Deby was thus attributed to the French who came in through the strongman to reassert control. That in itself has led to several speculations, including as to the origin of the violent Boko Haram group itself and the alleged role of Deby played in the scheme of things. Ultimately, the late Chadian leader became a strong advocate of eradicating the terrorist group, after having at several stages played the role of mediator between Nigeria and the group under the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan.
The emergence of Muhammadu Buhari as President of Nigeria in 2015 and his commitment to changing the way the counter-insurgency war was being fought probably caused Deby to change gear. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries, set up to jointly fight Boko Haram (instead of a Western proposal to set up a UN Force), received impetus and Deby fell in line. Whether the west and France in particular were happy with that development is open to speculation. What has not been in doubt is that Deby’s death at the hands of FACT, a group that fought alongside Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces in Libya raises several questions. The General had always been backed by France and against a UN-recognised government in Tripoli (until the recent compromise by all parties to the Libyan conflict). As a demonstration of the support he enjoys, Haftar was well received in Paris on July 25 2017 by the French President and this only adds to the puzzle of Deby’s death in the sense that a group loyal to Haftar, a friend of France, would attack Chad, a country supposedly in the good books of the same France. While this says a lot about the intricacies of big power politics, it also raises questions about the commitment of such powers to the stability of Africa. It is against this background that the death of Idris Deby ought to be viewed and its potential for further complicating the security and stability of the Lake Chad countries examined.
What is Covenant University Doing Right?
The death of Idris Deby Itno raises more questions than answers
The recent death of President Idris Deby Itno of Chad on the frontlines of his country’s battle with Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT), an armed group threatening to unseat his government (and claiming that its only reason for wanting to do that is to enable it enthrone democracy) shocked the world and led to speculations as to what could happen next.
Deby had come to power in 1990 in a coup/uprising against former President Hissen Habre. He had been one of the Chadians lured by former Libyan leader, Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi to his side. He subsequently “democratised” himself by transitioning from a soldier to a democratic leader and won two elections (1996 and 2001) before term limits were abolished, after which he won 4 more polls. He would also win the last elections held just a few weeks ago but could not be sworn in before his untimely death.
Before Deby’s emergence, Chad had been embroiled in political upheaval, leading to Nigeria playing a big role to manage the first major challenge in the late 1970s that saw General Felix Malloum, its leader, eased out on favourable grounds and exiled to Nigeria, to allow for the formation of a government of national unity (GUNT) in which Goukoni Waddeye and Hissen Habre were the dominant players as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence respectively. However, hardly had the ink on the agreement dried up than Habre gone ahead to unseat Waddeye to become the counry’s ruler. This development was followed by several attempts by both personalities at unseating each other, causing Chad to suffer bouts of political instability.
Some experts believe that the French were apparently unhappy that the Kano Peace Accord that ended the crisis between Malloum, Waddeye and Habre had been engineered by Nigeria, under the auspices of the then Organisaton of African Unity (OAU, now AU) and in the opinion of certain observers, did everything to sabotage it. Afterall, Chad is rich in uranium—a resource that had attracted Colonel Gaddhafi in the first place and thereafter, the French themselves. That Africans would be able to pacify Chad was an alarm bell for the metropolitan colonising power that saw her influence beginning to wane.
The emergence of Deby was thus attributed to the French who came in through the strongman to reassert control. That in itself has led to several speculations, including as to the origin of the violent Boko Haram group itself and the alleged role of Deby played in the scheme of things. Ultimately, the late Chadian leader became a strong advocate of eradicating the terrorist group, after having at several stages played the role of mediator between Nigeria and the group under the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan.
The emergence of Muhammadu Buhari as President of Nigeria in 2015 and his commitment to changing the way the counter-insurgency war was being fought probably caused Deby to change gear. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries, set up to jointly fight Boko Haram (instead of a Western proposal to set up a UN Force), received impetus and Deby fell in line. Whether the west and France in particular were happy with that development is open to speculation. What has not been in doubt is that Deby’s death at the hands of FACT, a group that fought alongside Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces in Libya raises several questions. The General had always been backed by France and against a UN-recognised government in Tripoli (until the recent compromise by all parties to the Libyan conflict). As a demonstration of the support he enjoys, Haftar was well received in Paris on July 25 2017 by the French President and this only adds to the puzzle of Deby’s death in the sense that a group loyal to Haftar, a friend of France, would attack Chad, a country supposedly in the good books of the same France. While this says a lot about the intricacies of big power politics, it also raises questions about the commitment of such powers to the stability of Africa. It is against this background that the death of Idris Deby ought to be viewed and its potential for further complicating the security and stability of the Lake Chad countries examined
The recent death of President Idris Deby Itno of Chad on the frontlines of his country’s battle with Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT), an armed group threatening to unseat his government (and claiming that its only reason for wanting to do that is to enable it enthrone democracy) shocked the world and led to speculations as to what could happen next.
Deby had come to power in 1990 in a coup/uprising against former President Hissen Habre. He had been one of the Chadians lured by former Libyan leader, Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi to his side. He subsequently “democratised” himself by transitioning from a soldier to a democratic leader and won two elections (1996 and 2001) before term limits were abolished, after which he won 4 more polls. He would also win the last elections held just a few weeks ago but could not be sworn in before his untimely death.
Before Deby’s emergence, Chad had been embroiled in political upheaval, leading to Nigeria playing a big role to manage the first major challenge in the late 1970s that saw General Felix Malloum, its leader, eased out on favourable grounds and exiled to Nigeria, to allow for the formation of a government of national unity (GUNT) in which Goukoni Waddeye and Hissen Habre were the dominant players as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence respectively. However, hardly had the ink on the agreement dried up than Habre gone ahead to unseat Waddeye to become the counry’s ruler. This development was followed by several attempts by both personalities at unseating each other, causing Chad to suffer bouts of political instability.
Some experts believe that the French were apparently unhappy that the Kano Peace Accord that ended the crisis between Malloum, Waddeye and Habre had been engineered by Nigeria, under the auspices of the then Organisaton of African Unity (OAU, now AU) and in the opinion of certain observers, did everything to sabotage it. Afterall, Chad is rich in uranium—a resource that had attracted Colonel Gaddhafi in the first place and thereafter, the French themselves. That Africans would be able to pacify Chad was an alarm bell for the metropolitan colonising power that saw her influence beginning to wane.
The emergence of Deby was thus attributed to the French who came in through the strongman to reassert control. That in itself has led to several speculations, including as to the origin of the violent Boko Haram group itself and the alleged role of Deby played in the scheme of things. Ultimately, the late Chadian leader became a strong advocate of eradicating the terrorist group, after having at several stages played the role of mediator between Nigeria and the group under the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan.
The emergence of Muhammadu Buhari as President of Nigeria in 2015 and his commitment to changing the way the counter-insurgency war was being fought probably caused Deby to change gear. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries, set up to jointly fight Boko Haram (instead of a Western proposal to set up a UN Force), received impetus and Deby fell in line. Whether the west and France in particular were happy with that development is open to speculation. What has not been in doubt is that Deby’s death at the hands of FACT, a group that fought alongside Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces in Libya raises several questions. The General had always been backed by France and against a UN-recognised government in Tripoli (until the recent compromise by all parties to the Libyan conflict). As a demonstration of the support he enjoys, Haftar was well received in Paris on July 25 2017 by the French President and this only adds to the puzzle of Deby’s death in the sense that a group loyal to Haftar, a friend of France, would attack Chad, a country supposedly in the good books of the same France. While this says a lot about the intricacies of big power politics, it also raises questions about the commitment of such powers to the stability of Africa. It is against this background that the death of Idris Deby ought to be viewed and its potential for further complicating the security and stability of the Lake Chad countries examined
Covenant University Building, Ota, Nigeria. Photo. Courtesy of Covenant University.
Published on April 4 2021
This analysis is not on the best university in Nigeria, either by domestic ratings or by global recognition. This is because the University of Ibadan (UI), the first in the country, has consistently held that position and for almost a decade now. What is interesting is that one particular institution of higher learning has continued to improve and in the last two years, has become consistently top-rated. That institution is Covenant University (CU), Ota, Nigeria.
Gaskiya.net has been tracking CU for the past 8 years and the institution has been improving steadily on national and global university rankings. For the current year (2021) and looking at three key ranking systems (Webometric, Times Higher Education and 4iCU rankings), the institution polled considerably higher ratings to emerge the most consistent and academically dominant private university in Nigeria and sits comfortably amongst the top 4 in the country comprising of both public and private universities.
The 2021 Webometric Rankings list UI as 1st, University of Lagos (UNILAG) as 2nd, Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) as 3rd, University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) as 4th and CU as 5th. The 2021 Times Higher Education World University Rankings ranked only 6 Nigerian universities on its list of 1’500 institutions from 93 countries and UI is rated 1st, Lagos State University (LASU) is rated 2nd, UNILAG is rated 3rd and CU is rated 4th. The third ranking system we reviewed is the 4iCU and on its list, CU is rated 3rd.
CU is a private, faith-led academic institution located in Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. It is a member of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, Association of African Universities and the National Universities Commission of Nigeria. Its current Vice Chancellor is Prof. Abiodun H. Adebayo. The university runs a Collegiate system made up of 5 colleges, with a student population under 7’000. While it will be difficult for private universities to upstage some well-run existing public universities especially given the richer Faculty of the latter institutions, research and library facilities, access to public funds as well as resourcing and managing critical colleges like those of Medicine and Engineering, CU has certainly done very well and given these institutions a run for their money.
The logical question is, what is CU doing right that other institutions of higher learning, especially private ones, are not doing? In particular, a lot was expected of Redeemers University (which by the way has one of the leading centres on Nigeria’s COVID 19 vaccine research efforts), Crescent University (whose ownership and quality of management ought to have delivered on results by now), Babcock University (which was the first faith university to be licensed in Nigeria) and Igbinedion University (which blazed a trail at inception but seemed to have faded off the radar).
It beggars belief as well that many Federal and State-owned universities, funded by the public, have been content with remaining where they are and are simply not pulling their weight. Also in this league of institutions (with access to regular and sustainable funding) are the universities owned by the Catholic Church and the Nigerian Baptist Convention. Given the pedigree of both denominations, especially the role they played in educating majority of Nigerians during the colonial and post-colonial era, it is a sad commentary that neither institution makes it into any level of reckoning on global institutional rankings. (Also quite renowned for education are the Ahmadiyya, Ansar-U-Deen and Zumratul Islamiyah groups but it is not known if they did set up universities or what the station of those institutions are today if they were actually established).
The challenge before the owners and management of CU is how to ensure that the institution does not rest on its oars but keeps growing and improving on its rankings to remain consistent and maintain its ranking as one of the best in the country.
This analysis is not on the best university in Nigeria, either by domestic ratings or by global recognition. This is because the University of Ibadan (UI), the first in the country, has consistently held that position and for almost a decade now. What is interesting is that one particular institution of higher learning has continued to improve and in the last two years, has become consistently top-rated. That institution is Covenant University (CU), Ota, Nigeria.
Gaskiya.net has been tracking CU for the past 8 years and the institution has been improving steadily on national and global university rankings. For the current year (2021) and looking at three key ranking systems (Webometric, Times Higher Education and 4iCU rankings), the institution polled considerably higher ratings to emerge the most consistent and academically dominant private university in Nigeria and sits comfortably amongst the top 4 in the country comprising of both public and private universities.
The 2021 Webometric Rankings list UI as 1st, University of Lagos (UNILAG) as 2nd, Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) as 3rd, University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN) as 4th and CU as 5th. The 2021 Times Higher Education World University Rankings ranked only 6 Nigerian universities on its list of 1’500 institutions from 93 countries and UI is rated 1st, Lagos State University (LASU) is rated 2nd, UNILAG is rated 3rd and CU is rated 4th. The third ranking system we reviewed is the 4iCU and on its list, CU is rated 3rd.
CU is a private, faith-led academic institution located in Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. It is a member of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, Association of African Universities and the National Universities Commission of Nigeria. Its current Vice Chancellor is Prof. Abiodun H. Adebayo. The university runs a Collegiate system made up of 5 colleges, with a student population under 7’000. While it will be difficult for private universities to upstage some well-run existing public universities especially given the richer Faculty of the latter institutions, research and library facilities, access to public funds as well as resourcing and managing critical colleges like those of Medicine and Engineering, CU has certainly done very well and given these institutions a run for their money.
The logical question is, what is CU doing right that other institutions of higher learning, especially private ones, are not doing? In particular, a lot was expected of Redeemers University (which by the way has one of the leading centres on Nigeria’s COVID 19 vaccine research efforts), Crescent University (whose ownership and quality of management ought to have delivered on results by now), Babcock University (which was the first faith university to be licensed in Nigeria) and Igbinedion University (which blazed a trail at inception but seemed to have faded off the radar).
It beggars belief as well that many Federal and State-owned universities, funded by the public, have been content with remaining where they are and are simply not pulling their weight. Also in this league of institutions (with access to regular and sustainable funding) are the universities owned by the Catholic Church and the Nigerian Baptist Convention. Given the pedigree of both denominations, especially the role they played in educating majority of Nigerians during the colonial and post-colonial era, it is a sad commentary that neither institution makes it into any level of reckoning on global institutional rankings. (Also quite renowned for education are the Ahmadiyya, Ansar-U-Deen and Zumratul Islamiyah groups but it is not known if they did set up universities or what the station of those institutions are today if they were actually established).
The challenge before the owners and management of CU is how to ensure that the institution does not rest on its oars but keeps growing and improving on its rankings to remain consistent and maintain its ranking as one of the best in the country.
CELEBRATING BURNA BOY, WIZ KID AND THE GRAMMYS NIGERIA “LOST”!
Grammy award winner Burna Boy.
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Grammy Kid Wizkid.
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Published March 25 2021
The 2021 Grammys have come and gone and with them, two notable wins—finally—for Nigerian artistes Burna Boy and Wizkid. The well-deserved win by these music stars was no fluke, as Nigerians have been making good music from time immemorial. They have not only been doing so but have also been producing some of the greatest musicians on the planet. Just to mention two world-acclaimed instrumentalists: Peter King was an iconic, if rather unassuming professional who teamed up with drummer Bayo Martins and trumpeter Mike Falana to form a band that toured Europe and was a great success. He later put together a band that backed Boney M during their 1977 tour.
Another acclaimed Nigerian musician was the globally recognised drummer, Tony Allen. Credited with helping Fela develop the Afrobeat genre, Tony was a big act who retained the title of best drummer in the world with little or no dissension. The achievements of these icons would be enhanced and even surpassed by the spectacular repertoire of King Sunny Ade (KSA) and Fela Kuti. The influence of their musical repertoire endured across the world for many years (and still does), with other artistes like Sir Victor Uwaifo, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey Fabiyi, Chief Osita Osadebe, Joni Haastrup, Segun Bucknor, Majek Fashek, Dele Abiodun, Bright Chimezie, Dizzy-K Falola, Felix Lebarty, Mike Okri, Sir Shina Peters, Sonny Okosuns and several others sustaining their illuminating contributions to world music.
The aggregate input of these artistes to Nigerian and global music would be threatened by the collapse of the domestic recording industry following the destructive policies of the Ibrahim Babangida administration in the 1980’s that dealt a terrible blow to all the cumulative achievements of Nigeria in academia, the arts, industry, as well as to her world view and values. In particular, the giant record companies like Phonodisk, Decca (later Afrodisia), Polygram, Sony, EMI and Tabansi Records all either collapsed or began to operate at significantly low levels of installed capacity. This situation was marvellously revived by two young Nigerians-Kenny Ogungbe and Dayo Adeneye through their indigenous Kennis Music label, whose emergence and success restored hope and spewed a new generation of acts.
Paul Play Dairo shot out like a bolt of lightning with a reverberlisation of his late father’s hit song, “Mo s’orire.” Then came Olu Maintain with remixes of the Ivorien rave of the times, Magic System. They were forerunners of sorts for the articulate and professionally-organised duo: P-Square and the purveyor of the best hit in this generation. Tu Face Idibia with his “African Queen.” A new generation of Nigerian artistes and new music idiom had been born. Reigning before and alongside them was the group ‘Style Plus’ and Sunny Nneji, with many others flooding the scene thereafter: Asa, Buchi, Timi Dakolo, Nice, Flavour, Dagrin, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Yemi Alade, Timi Dakolo, Olamide, Burna Boy, Wizkid, to mention just some.
One can affirm without any fear of contradiction that Nigeria ought to have won the Grammys way back. Clearly, Tu Face Idibia’s “African Queen” was a global bestseller, yet it was not even nominated! Majek Fashek churned out several hits even right on US soil but was not given any consideration as well, despite releasing some of his songs on the Interscope label. The absence of a veritable recognition system on the continent of Africa was a further blow, though the Kora Awards debuted at a point in time but has unfortunately lost its essence. Thus artistes from the continent have had to look up to Europe and North America for acknowledgement and reward.
In doing so, Nigeria recorded some “close shaves,” such as King Sunny Ade (KSA)’s “Odu” (nominated under the ‘Best World Music Album’) in 1999 nevertheless missing picking up the Grammys. Many ‘near misses; followed, such as Femi Kuti’s “Fight to Win” in 2010; “Day by Day” in 2012 and “Africa for Africa” in 2014. His younger brother, Seun Kuti was equally nominated but overlooked with his “Black Times” album in 2018. It would be right therefore to submit that Nigeria has missed several well deserved Grammys before Burna Boy and WizKid finally picked their recently. For Burna Boy, it was his second back-to-back nomination (both under ‘Best World Music Album’ category) as his “African Giant” fetched a nomination in 2020, before his “Twice as Tall” finally landed the award in 2021! Wizkid also deservedly picked up an award for ‘Best Music Video’ on Beyonce’s “Brown Skin Girl”
Congratulations to Burna Boy and Wizkid. Their wins deserve to the resoundingly celebrated!
The 2021 Grammys have come and gone and with them, two notable wins—finally—for Nigerian artistes Burna Boy and Wizkid. The well-deserved win by these music stars was no fluke, as Nigerians have been making good music from time immemorial. They have not only been doing so but have also been producing some of the greatest musicians on the planet. Just to mention two world-acclaimed instrumentalists: Peter King was an iconic, if rather unassuming professional who teamed up with drummer Bayo Martins and trumpeter Mike Falana to form a band that toured Europe and was a great success. He later put together a band that backed Boney M during their 1977 tour.
Another acclaimed Nigerian musician was the globally recognised drummer, Tony Allen. Credited with helping Fela develop the Afrobeat genre, Tony was a big act who retained the title of best drummer in the world with little or no dissension. The achievements of these icons would be enhanced and even surpassed by the spectacular repertoire of King Sunny Ade (KSA) and Fela Kuti. The influence of their musical repertoire endured across the world for many years (and still does), with other artistes like Sir Victor Uwaifo, Chief Commander Ebenezer Obey Fabiyi, Chief Osita Osadebe, Joni Haastrup, Segun Bucknor, Majek Fashek, Dele Abiodun, Bright Chimezie, Dizzy-K Falola, Felix Lebarty, Mike Okri, Sir Shina Peters, Sonny Okosuns and several others sustaining their illuminating contributions to world music.
The aggregate input of these artistes to Nigerian and global music would be threatened by the collapse of the domestic recording industry following the destructive policies of the Ibrahim Babangida administration in the 1980’s that dealt a terrible blow to all the cumulative achievements of Nigeria in academia, the arts, industry, as well as to her world view and values. In particular, the giant record companies like Phonodisk, Decca (later Afrodisia), Polygram, Sony, EMI and Tabansi Records all either collapsed or began to operate at significantly low levels of installed capacity. This situation was marvellously revived by two young Nigerians-Kenny Ogungbe and Dayo Adeneye through their indigenous Kennis Music label, whose emergence and success restored hope and spewed a new generation of acts.
Paul Play Dairo shot out like a bolt of lightning with a reverberlisation of his late father’s hit song, “Mo s’orire.” Then came Olu Maintain with remixes of the Ivorien rave of the times, Magic System. They were forerunners of sorts for the articulate and professionally-organised duo: P-Square and the purveyor of the best hit in this generation. Tu Face Idibia with his “African Queen.” A new generation of Nigerian artistes and new music idiom had been born. Reigning before and alongside them was the group ‘Style Plus’ and Sunny Nneji, with many others flooding the scene thereafter: Asa, Buchi, Timi Dakolo, Nice, Flavour, Dagrin, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Yemi Alade, Timi Dakolo, Olamide, Burna Boy, Wizkid, to mention just some.
One can affirm without any fear of contradiction that Nigeria ought to have won the Grammys way back. Clearly, Tu Face Idibia’s “African Queen” was a global bestseller, yet it was not even nominated! Majek Fashek churned out several hits even right on US soil but was not given any consideration as well, despite releasing some of his songs on the Interscope label. The absence of a veritable recognition system on the continent of Africa was a further blow, though the Kora Awards debuted at a point in time but has unfortunately lost its essence. Thus artistes from the continent have had to look up to Europe and North America for acknowledgement and reward.
In doing so, Nigeria recorded some “close shaves,” such as King Sunny Ade (KSA)’s “Odu” (nominated under the ‘Best World Music Album’) in 1999 nevertheless missing picking up the Grammys. Many ‘near misses; followed, such as Femi Kuti’s “Fight to Win” in 2010; “Day by Day” in 2012 and “Africa for Africa” in 2014. His younger brother, Seun Kuti was equally nominated but overlooked with his “Black Times” album in 2018. It would be right therefore to submit that Nigeria has missed several well deserved Grammys before Burna Boy and WizKid finally picked their recently. For Burna Boy, it was his second back-to-back nomination (both under ‘Best World Music Album’ category) as his “African Giant” fetched a nomination in 2020, before his “Twice as Tall” finally landed the award in 2021! Wizkid also deservedly picked up an award for ‘Best Music Video’ on Beyonce’s “Brown Skin Girl”
Congratulations to Burna Boy and Wizkid. Their wins deserve to the resoundingly celebrated!
Africa’s forest reserves and internal security: Who went to sleep?
File photo Nigerian Army in Sambisa Forest. Courtesy Premiumtimesng.com
Published on March 13 2021
“As can be seen from our analysis, modern day insurgents, terrorists and organised criminal gangs—whether in East Africa, West Africa or even perhaps Central Africa, launch their operations from a particular locale (National Parks or Nature Reserves), suggesting that there could either be an extra-continental structure providing leadership and advice to these groups (since their approach is similar) or that they are just studying developments elsewhere and adapting these to their own contexts.”
Following its expulsion from its Ugandan stronghold, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) of Joseph Kony reportedly retreated into nature reserves from where it continued waging a relentless war against Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Republic of South Sudan and Central African Republic. By 2012, there was no doubt that the LRA had effectively returned to the Garamba National Park in eastern DRC.
The Garamba National Park spans 5’200 square kilometres and was founded in 1938. It hosts various animal species, including the antelope, buffaloes, elephants, hyenas, giant forest hogs, giraffes, hippos and lions. It is a UNESCO World Heritage site, attesting to not just the animals living on it, but its significance for our understanding the origins of human civilisation. It is despicable that terrorist groups would use the park as a sanctuary from which to unleash violence on innocent civilians and disrupt the peace of States.
The LRA insurgency attracted global attention and was widely documented in its scale, intensity and large-scale violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Its key leadership had been variously indicted by domestic courts in Uganda and the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. One would therefore have thought that other African countries would have learnt from the Ugandan and East African experience (especially how the group smartly resorted to hibernating in forest reserves) in trying to better protect their own territory and populations.
This however was not to be. The Sambisa National Park lies some 60km east of Maiduguri, capital of Nigeria’s Borno State. Maiduguri was and remains the seat of the Kanem-Bornu Empire that at its apogee, straddled Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Libya, under the monarchy of the Shehu of Bornu—which has survived till today! This Park was invaded and taken over by the Boko Haram terrorists around February 2013 (just like the LRA took over Garamba), from where it launched several offensives against Nigerian and regional forces.
The Sambisa National Park covers an area exceeding 600 square kilometres and is home to various animal species, including African Bush Elephant, Hartebeest, Red Fronted Gazelle, African Leopard, tantalus Monkey, Baboons, Patas Monkey, Grimm's Duiker, Roan Antelope and Spotted Hyenas. The insurgency that raged in this part of Nigeria has reportedly displaced some of these animals. (It is however gratifying to note that, on 19th December 2019, a herd of 250-300 elephants were sighted in Rann, Borno State, Nigeria on the fringes of the Sambisa National Park, by an aircraft on a humanitarian mission, confirming that wildlife still remained in good numbers around and within the Park).
While the authorities in Nigeria had been oblivious to the modus operandi of groups like Boko Haram using nature reserves to launch attacks, the same scenario played out in Burkina Faso, further west along the region covered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Reliefweb had reported that the very first attack in the eastern region of Burkina Faso against security forces in Natiaboani, which is a town located between Fada N’Gourma and Pama occurred in February 2018. What is instructive here for us is that this attack occurred on the fringes of the W-Arly Complex, which is a large forest reserve (suggesting that insurgents were either hibernating in, or operating from the said forest reserve). Again one wonders as to whether the authorities in Burkina Faso learnt anything from Uganda, DRC and Nigeria.
It is worth mentioning too that as far back as 2015, the Government of Kenya had been alarmed at the prospect that terrorist groups like the LRA and Al-Shabab could use the illicit revenues from poaching in the nature reserves to buy weapons and fuel their heinous crimes.
The recent attacks on farmers and an increasing number of civilians in southern Nigeria, as well as the sensational kidnappings in the northwest of Nigeria, were clearly being perpetrated by armed bandits and criminal elements hibernating in forest and other nature reserves. One would further wonder as to why the authorities did not anticipate the use of such havens and take proactive measures to curtail of forestall them.
As can be seen from our analysis, modern day insurgents, terrorists and organised criminal gangs—whether in East Africa, West Africa or even perhaps Central Africa, launch their operations from a particular locale (National Parks or Nature Reserves), suggesting that there could either be an extra-continental structure providing leadership and advice to these groups (since their approach is similar) or that they are just studying developments elsewhere and adapting these to their own contexts.
It further affirms that most of these groups operate across national borders (LRA across DRC, South Sudan, Uganda and Central African Republic; Boko Haram across Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroon; jihadi groups across Burkina Faso, Mali, etc.), underscoring the need for a coherent transnational response. In all, perhaps if the relevant security agencies had kept abreast of developments elsewhere, the problem would not have become as deep and seemingly intractable as it is beginning to look. Leaders across the continent therefore need to rededicate their efforts to bringing these crimes and terrorist activities to a complete stop, while it has become imperative for the African Union to lead a continent-wide sharing of lessons-learned and best practices to complement those efforts.
AFRICA’S SPONSORSHIP OF ENGLISH FOOTBALL: IMPACT ON NIGERIAN AND AFRICAN SOCCER CLUBS
Some members of the Stationery Stores FC team that won Silver in the 1981 African Cup Winners Cup (now CAF Confederations'Cup). They were recently honoured by the Stationery Stores Supporters Trust (SSST). Photo Credit: SSST 2021.
Published February 20 2021
“Legacy clubs like Super Stores, Rangers, Shooting Stars, Bendel and many others can benefit greatly from a new paradigm in relations between our Federations, corporate bodies and the EPL…”
Football is the biggest sports in Africa and by extension, the most vociferously supported on the continent. In Nigeria, organised football began in the 1940s, with well-run football clubs affiliated to thriving commercial concerns like the Nigerian Railways. The best years of Nigerian football were in the mid-to-late 1970s up to the mid 1990’s (and for brief spells in the 2000’s) when Nigerian club sides like Stationery Stores FC, WNDC (Later Shooting Stars and now 3SC) FC, Enugu Rangers International FC, Raccah Rovers FC, Bendel Insurance FC, Mighty Jets FC, P&T Vasco Da Gama FC, Leventis United FC, Abiola Babes FC, BCC Lions FC, El Kanemi Warriors FC, Iwuanyanwu Internationale FC, Enyimba FC, and many more competed with vigour and filled various stadia across the country. Victories came domestically and internationally, with continental cup victories first in 1976 (African Cup Winners Cup, now Confederation of African Football –CAF- Confederations Cup won by Shooting Stars FC and later, Rangers FC, with Stationery Stores FC winning Silver in the same competition), and then the CAF Champions League victory of Enyimba FC.
At national tem level, Nigeria’s first major victory came in the FIFA cadet competition, “China 85,” when her U-16 national team became the first African team to win any major FIFA competition by beating Germany 2-0 to win that title. Today, the U-17 team of the country holds a record 5 titles at the global level, while the Super Eagles, 3-time CAF Nations Cup winners, sparkled in USA ’94 before winning the ’96 Olympic Soccer Gold (the first country outside of Europe and the Americas to do so) at the Atlanta Games.
These sterling performances by Nigeria are only a reflection of a once competitive and massively supported domestic league, whose icon was the great and fanatically supported Stationery Stores FC, founded by the Late Israel Adebajo. The club ran into a series of crises, caused mainly by internal wrangling over ownership following the death of its founder, leading to its absence from competitive football for sixteen years. Following a resolution of that lingering problem, it returned to active competition in 2014 and has been steadily rising up again on the domestic scene. The return of Super Stores FC was largely led by its supporters, who refused to give up on the club and mounted a well-orchestrated pressure on the owners to return the Club. With its rebirth, they launched a Supporters Cooperative—the Stationery Stores FC Supporters Trust Cooperative-SSST, the only one of its type in Nigeria and registered with the Lagos State Ministry of Cooperatives. They also established a working partnership with Sandlanders UK.
The connection between Africa and the UK in football, typified in the SSST/Sandlanders Partnership, dates back to colonial times when the UK provided technical support and grants to help develop football on the continent. However, the creation of the English Premier League (EPL) in 1992 has seen African companies beginning to finance the English League! In the recent past, 11 African brands have provided various levels of sponsorship for such EPL teams as Arsenal FC (Rwanda, Banque du Cairo, Skol Brewery Rwanda and World Remit Africa/Europe); Manchester City FC (PZ Nigeria, Star Beer Nigeria, Techno Mobile China/Africa); Liverpool FC (Tatweer Misr Egypt, Alex Bank Egypt); Everton FC (SportPesa Kenya) and Manchester United FC (Chivita Nigeria). Indeed, after China (investing over USD 700m) into the EPL, Africa is next with at least USD102m. This has generated lot of debate on the continent as to why these African companies are not investing such amounts in their local leagues and why the EPL is not supporting the growth of African clubs as well.
In the forefront of the reflection is the SSST. Its new Executive Committee, which recently honoured the Club’s 1981 Silver medal winning CAF Confederations Cup team members, is calling for a Roundtable to interrogate this unfolding scenario and push for a new partnership between African Clubs, their various Federations and the EPL. “Legacy clubs like Super Stores, Rangers, Shooting Stars, Bendel and many others can benefit greatly from a new paradigm in relations between our Federations, corporate bodies and the EPL. This is a cardinal point in our manifesto as the new SSST Exco and we are working hard to drive debates on this,” affirmed Soji Akintola, President of the SSST. The outcome of such renewed engagements is subject to debate, but what is not in doubt is that such initiative by the Trust could point the way to how to enhance the viability of club football in Africa. It might also speak to the role that more established league bodies like the EPL can play in supporting CAF and FIFA to improve club football in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world.
“Legacy clubs like Super Stores, Rangers, Shooting Stars, Bendel and many others can benefit greatly from a new paradigm in relations between our Federations, corporate bodies and the EPL…”
Football is the biggest sports in Africa and by extension, the most vociferously supported on the continent. In Nigeria, organised football began in the 1940s, with well-run football clubs affiliated to thriving commercial concerns like the Nigerian Railways. The best years of Nigerian football were in the mid-to-late 1970s up to the mid 1990’s (and for brief spells in the 2000’s) when Nigerian club sides like Stationery Stores FC, WNDC (Later Shooting Stars and now 3SC) FC, Enugu Rangers International FC, Raccah Rovers FC, Bendel Insurance FC, Mighty Jets FC, P&T Vasco Da Gama FC, Leventis United FC, Abiola Babes FC, BCC Lions FC, El Kanemi Warriors FC, Iwuanyanwu Internationale FC, Enyimba FC, and many more competed with vigour and filled various stadia across the country. Victories came domestically and internationally, with continental cup victories first in 1976 (African Cup Winners Cup, now Confederation of African Football –CAF- Confederations Cup won by Shooting Stars FC and later, Rangers FC, with Stationery Stores FC winning Silver in the same competition), and then the CAF Champions League victory of Enyimba FC.
At national tem level, Nigeria’s first major victory came in the FIFA cadet competition, “China 85,” when her U-16 national team became the first African team to win any major FIFA competition by beating Germany 2-0 to win that title. Today, the U-17 team of the country holds a record 5 titles at the global level, while the Super Eagles, 3-time CAF Nations Cup winners, sparkled in USA ’94 before winning the ’96 Olympic Soccer Gold (the first country outside of Europe and the Americas to do so) at the Atlanta Games.
These sterling performances by Nigeria are only a reflection of a once competitive and massively supported domestic league, whose icon was the great and fanatically supported Stationery Stores FC, founded by the Late Israel Adebajo. The club ran into a series of crises, caused mainly by internal wrangling over ownership following the death of its founder, leading to its absence from competitive football for sixteen years. Following a resolution of that lingering problem, it returned to active competition in 2014 and has been steadily rising up again on the domestic scene. The return of Super Stores FC was largely led by its supporters, who refused to give up on the club and mounted a well-orchestrated pressure on the owners to return the Club. With its rebirth, they launched a Supporters Cooperative—the Stationery Stores FC Supporters Trust Cooperative-SSST, the only one of its type in Nigeria and registered with the Lagos State Ministry of Cooperatives. They also established a working partnership with Sandlanders UK.
The connection between Africa and the UK in football, typified in the SSST/Sandlanders Partnership, dates back to colonial times when the UK provided technical support and grants to help develop football on the continent. However, the creation of the English Premier League (EPL) in 1992 has seen African companies beginning to finance the English League! In the recent past, 11 African brands have provided various levels of sponsorship for such EPL teams as Arsenal FC (Rwanda, Banque du Cairo, Skol Brewery Rwanda and World Remit Africa/Europe); Manchester City FC (PZ Nigeria, Star Beer Nigeria, Techno Mobile China/Africa); Liverpool FC (Tatweer Misr Egypt, Alex Bank Egypt); Everton FC (SportPesa Kenya) and Manchester United FC (Chivita Nigeria). Indeed, after China (investing over USD 700m) into the EPL, Africa is next with at least USD102m. This has generated lot of debate on the continent as to why these African companies are not investing such amounts in their local leagues and why the EPL is not supporting the growth of African clubs as well.
In the forefront of the reflection is the SSST. Its new Executive Committee, which recently honoured the Club’s 1981 Silver medal winning CAF Confederations Cup team members, is calling for a Roundtable to interrogate this unfolding scenario and push for a new partnership between African Clubs, their various Federations and the EPL. “Legacy clubs like Super Stores, Rangers, Shooting Stars, Bendel and many others can benefit greatly from a new paradigm in relations between our Federations, corporate bodies and the EPL. This is a cardinal point in our manifesto as the new SSST Exco and we are working hard to drive debates on this,” affirmed Soji Akintola, President of the SSST. The outcome of such renewed engagements is subject to debate, but what is not in doubt is that such initiative by the Trust could point the way to how to enhance the viability of club football in Africa. It might also speak to the role that more established league bodies like the EPL can play in supporting CAF and FIFA to improve club football in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world.
NIGERIA NEEDS AN INTERNAL SECURITY DOCTRINE PART 2
Map of Nigeria. Picture courtesy of nationsonline.com
NIGERIA NEEDS AN INTERNAL SECURITY DOCTRINE PART 2
Published on February 7 2021
“For example, while the present Nigerian administration has invested a lot in training, equipping and motivating the Nigerian Armed Forces, nothing of the sort has been done for the Police. Indeed, Nigeria has comprehensively ignored the Police, and by extension, ignored her own internal security. This is often seen in the continued deployment of the military to carry out police functions. Allied to this is the gross failure to invest the same attention and resources on the Department of State Services (DSS), the domestic intelligence arm of the country.”
Kidnapping had also become rife in Nigeria’s south-west, with all such illegal acts often attributed to Fulani herdsmen. It spread to this region from the Middle-Belt, where, after the Federal Government appeared not to have had a solution, some States had gone ahead to pass laws outlawing grazing on their territory by herders. In Nigeria’s South East, scores of people had been killed, maimed or psychologically traumatised by their ordeal with kidnappers.
Recently, an open letter purportedly written by the Alaafin of Oyo—the current King of the 12th Century Oyo Empire that covered all of south-west Nigeria up to the fringes of what is today Cote D’Ivoire—in which he comprehensively articulated the growing kidnapping and killings purportedly being carried out by Fulani herdsmen hiding in forested areas of the region and asking the Federal Government to urgently intervene before a comprehensive breakdown of law and order occurs.
To us in Gaskiya.net, it is clear that a massive internal security problem is prevailing in Nigeria. It has come about partly by our analysis above, and partly due to the brazen action of certain elements who have taken advantage of the prevailing political order to advance their agenda. It is difficult not to believe that this criminality is a mix of terrorism and criminal activities. Perpetrators may also have some support from fifth columnists within the power elite. This scenario is made worse by the lack of a clear agenda by the Federal Government to nip these tendencies in the bud.
For example, while the present Nigerian administration has invested a lot in training, equipping and motivating the Nigerian Armed Forces, nothing of the sort has been done for the Police. Indeed, Nigeria has comprehensively ignored the Police, and by extension, ignored her own internal security. This is often seen in the continued deployment of the military to carry out police functions. Allied to this is the gross failure to invest the same attention and resources on the Department of State Services (DSS), the domestic intelligence arm of the country. These two—the Police and DSS—are the key organs that can best address the internal security dynamics of Nigeria. The overwhelming domination of the internal security space by the military is what has resulted in the call for the country’s service chiefs to be fired, ironically, for failings which should fall squarely on the shoulders of the DSS and the police! Yet, these two can’t even be blamed since they have not been prepared for the challenges they may be accused of failing to deal with!
Which way forward for Nigeria you may wonder? The DSS and Police must begin to play an active role in containing internal security challenges, even as the Federal Government embarks on an urgent and comprehensive re-organisation, training and equipping of these two organs. Competent persons must be put in charge of key organs and appointments based on professional skills and experience rather than any other tendencies. Nigeria’s military must vacate the media space on matters of internal security, even where it provides support to civil authority and allow the DSS and Police play their roles, including in public communication. To give teeth to robust policies that should strengthen the hand of these two organs, the Nigerian authorities must urgently convene a stakeholders summit to articulate an internal security doctrine for the country, akin to her national defence policy. That doctrine should identify the internal threats for today and the next 20 years, define the agencies to confront it and how, and articulate the equipment and resources to be provided to them. It should also suggest and affirm the role of States, Local Governments, traditional rulers, political parties, the citizens and others in making this approach a resounding success. Anything short of this is further compromising the security, stability and corporate existence of Africa’s largest democracy and accelerating her possible demise. May God forbid that to happen!
"This analysis was written before President Buhari appointed new Service Chiefs for Nigeria."
Published on February 7 2021
“For example, while the present Nigerian administration has invested a lot in training, equipping and motivating the Nigerian Armed Forces, nothing of the sort has been done for the Police. Indeed, Nigeria has comprehensively ignored the Police, and by extension, ignored her own internal security. This is often seen in the continued deployment of the military to carry out police functions. Allied to this is the gross failure to invest the same attention and resources on the Department of State Services (DSS), the domestic intelligence arm of the country.”
Kidnapping had also become rife in Nigeria’s south-west, with all such illegal acts often attributed to Fulani herdsmen. It spread to this region from the Middle-Belt, where, after the Federal Government appeared not to have had a solution, some States had gone ahead to pass laws outlawing grazing on their territory by herders. In Nigeria’s South East, scores of people had been killed, maimed or psychologically traumatised by their ordeal with kidnappers.
Recently, an open letter purportedly written by the Alaafin of Oyo—the current King of the 12th Century Oyo Empire that covered all of south-west Nigeria up to the fringes of what is today Cote D’Ivoire—in which he comprehensively articulated the growing kidnapping and killings purportedly being carried out by Fulani herdsmen hiding in forested areas of the region and asking the Federal Government to urgently intervene before a comprehensive breakdown of law and order occurs.
To us in Gaskiya.net, it is clear that a massive internal security problem is prevailing in Nigeria. It has come about partly by our analysis above, and partly due to the brazen action of certain elements who have taken advantage of the prevailing political order to advance their agenda. It is difficult not to believe that this criminality is a mix of terrorism and criminal activities. Perpetrators may also have some support from fifth columnists within the power elite. This scenario is made worse by the lack of a clear agenda by the Federal Government to nip these tendencies in the bud.
For example, while the present Nigerian administration has invested a lot in training, equipping and motivating the Nigerian Armed Forces, nothing of the sort has been done for the Police. Indeed, Nigeria has comprehensively ignored the Police, and by extension, ignored her own internal security. This is often seen in the continued deployment of the military to carry out police functions. Allied to this is the gross failure to invest the same attention and resources on the Department of State Services (DSS), the domestic intelligence arm of the country. These two—the Police and DSS—are the key organs that can best address the internal security dynamics of Nigeria. The overwhelming domination of the internal security space by the military is what has resulted in the call for the country’s service chiefs to be fired, ironically, for failings which should fall squarely on the shoulders of the DSS and the police! Yet, these two can’t even be blamed since they have not been prepared for the challenges they may be accused of failing to deal with!
Which way forward for Nigeria you may wonder? The DSS and Police must begin to play an active role in containing internal security challenges, even as the Federal Government embarks on an urgent and comprehensive re-organisation, training and equipping of these two organs. Competent persons must be put in charge of key organs and appointments based on professional skills and experience rather than any other tendencies. Nigeria’s military must vacate the media space on matters of internal security, even where it provides support to civil authority and allow the DSS and Police play their roles, including in public communication. To give teeth to robust policies that should strengthen the hand of these two organs, the Nigerian authorities must urgently convene a stakeholders summit to articulate an internal security doctrine for the country, akin to her national defence policy. That doctrine should identify the internal threats for today and the next 20 years, define the agencies to confront it and how, and articulate the equipment and resources to be provided to them. It should also suggest and affirm the role of States, Local Governments, traditional rulers, political parties, the citizens and others in making this approach a resounding success. Anything short of this is further compromising the security, stability and corporate existence of Africa’s largest democracy and accelerating her possible demise. May God forbid that to happen!
"This analysis was written before President Buhari appointed new Service Chiefs for Nigeria."
Salute, as some of Africa’s finest Generals exit the Nigerian Armed Forces
Defence Headquarters, Nigeria.
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President Muhammadu Buhari
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Published on January 30 2021
Following the appointment of new service chiefs by the President of Nigeria and Commander-in-Chief, President Muhammadu Buhari, Gaskiya.net delays the publication of the second part of its analysis titled “Nigeria needs an Internal Security Doctrine,” to allow for this special analysis on the changes in Nigeria’s defence establishment.
On January 26 2021, President Buhari announced the appointment of new service chiefs for Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters, Army, Navy and Air-Force. The new appointees—Major-General L. Irabor, Major-General I. Attahiru, Rear-Admiral A. Gambo and Air Vice-Marshal O. Amao—replaced General A. Olonisakin, Lt-Gen T. Buratai, Vice-Admiral I. Ibas and Air Marshal S. Abubakar.
Contrary to the opinion held by some in Nigeria, Gaskiya.net firmly believes that the former service chiefs are arguably some of the finest generals on the continent, given their roles, the operations they planned and executed and their individual and cumulative achievements.
General Olonisakin oversaw the improvement in organic warfare by the three arms of the Armed Forces, something that had always proven to be difficult. The asymmetric warfare that the military confronted required significant organic deployment and planning, as well as coordination and execution. Prior to confronting Boko Haram and ISWAP, the Nigerian Armed Forces only had such joint warfare in real combat environments during the Liberian and Sierra-Leonean civil wars under the banner of the multi-dimensional peace support and peace enforcement operations initiated by the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The threat posed to Nigerian forces by the NPFL (in Liberia) and RUF (in Sierra-Leone) were significantly less than what Boko Haram and ISWAP offered. It was Olonisakin’s lot therefore to review doctrine and lead a new approach which saw more coordinated and professional military deployments that recaptured territory previously held by the insurgents. It is difficult across the world today to find a national military force that has recovered territory captured by dogma-inspired insurgents without the help of extra-continental forces. Conversely, the US and NATO allies are themselves struggling with a Taliban force that still controls most of Afghanistan. In places where success was achieved as in Nigeria, it was with a coalition of domestic and extra-continental forces as it was done to recapture ground previously held by ISIS in Iraq and Syria. In the case of Nigeria, she worked within the region, mobilising States of the Lake Chad Basin Commission i.e. Cameroon, Chad and Niger.
General Buratai re-organised the Nigerian Army and created two additional divisions, one of which was based in the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency—Maiduguri. Indeed, the insurgency revealed the lop-sidedness in previous defence architecture of Nigeria, which saw four main fighting divisions (1st, 2nd, 3rd Armoured and 82 Composite), with the 81 Division being created later to defend the country’s commercial capital—tasked with defending the entire country. Strangely, when the threat perception and reality changed, the architecture remained fixated. However, Nigeria exposed its entire north east and northwest, who’s combined size and challenging terrain was exploited by insurgents and lately, by bandits. Buratai’s strategy significantly strengthened the efforts of the military and aided the recapture of lost territory. He was also quite courageous, joining troops on the frontline several times and tenacious. One main weakness of the previous chief was the short tenure of most of his Theatre Commanders, except perhaps, for Lucky Irabor (now the new Chief of Defence Staff) as such frequent changes effected by him robbed the missions of consistency and sustained impact at certain times. This however takes nothing away from his brilliance and success. Buratai also laid the foundation for domestic manufacture of military equipment, mainly armoured fighting vehicles, MRAPS and tactical vehicles. He encouraged the private sector to boldly venture in this direction, creating a synergy with such firms as Innoson and Proforce, with the latter becoming the first domestic defence contractor in Nigeria to export military equipment (20 “Ara” vehicles exported to the Republic of Chad).
The Nigerian Navy under Admiral Ibas was less present in the battles against Boko Haram for obvious reasons, though several naval commandos (SBS) fought alongside their army and air force special forces colleagues for which the naval chief deserve commendation. He will be best remembered for leading the domestic construction of warships (NNS Andoni, NNS Karaduwa, to mention some), and leading a vigorous fleet renewal (scores of Inshore Patrol Craft acquired, one Landing Ship Tank and 2 Hydrographic Survey Vessels, etc.). However, a major setback was the non-acquisition or retrofitting of missile-capable craft, especially given the changing dynamics of naval power in the region. To his further credit, Admiral Ibas determinedly denied pirates freedom of navigation and action within Nigeria’s waters and adjoining sea territory, significantly reducing the incidence of piracy in Nigeria’s territorial waters and EEZ. It is on record that under his watch, the Nigerian Navy had to go to the rescue of the Cameroonian, Equatorial Guinean, Togolese, Beninoise and Ghanaian Navies several times, when these were confronted by perplexing pirate attacks. The major headache for Ibas was that whenever a pirate attack occurred within the Gulf of Guinea, the international media automatically reported that it had occurred within Nigeria’s waters to put him under pressure and instigate action from the Nigerian Navy. That often suggested that all such attacks were occurring within Nigeria’s territorial waters, which in several instances were not always true!
Air Marshal Sadiqque Abubakar successfully superintended over a Nigerian Air Force that was slowly being brought back from the ‘dead’ following the grounding of the force by the Ibrahim Babangida regime. President Obasanjo ordered the F7 Nis from China and bought two ATR-42 aircraft from Italy. It was however President Buhari’s lot to take a more comprehensive look at the NAF, with Abubakar being saddled with the responsibility to develop a new strategy that would see the Air Force fight both asymmetric and conventional wars simultaneously. He did not disappoint! Today, Abubakar leaves behind an air force that that has decimated a previously free-roaming insurgent group and significantly reduced its ability to threaten civilians and surface forces. The Nigerian Air Force is the only force in Africa to deploy armed drones and that actually has its own Drone Squadron. He upgraded domestic capacity to maintain airframes and engines, trained much more pilots than any air chief after the civil war, including inducting the first female fighter and combat helicopter pilots in the history of the NAF. The capacity of the force to deploy ISR platforms is unparalleled on the continent today, and the impact of these platforms has been felt in the battlespace. Abubakar has also led the development of the capacity of the NAF to inject strategic capability into its orbat with the induction of the JF-17 fighter aircraft. The impending arrival of the Super Tucano aircraft will gift the NAF with a damning orbat that positions it to deploy fierce firepower across all modern combat threats today and well beyond the capacity of any sub-Saharan air force.
The sterling performance of these Generals was seemingly dented by calls for their retirement for “non-performance,” but the considered opinion of Gaskiya.net is that those calls were largely made for reasons beyond the full remit of the forces under their command and without an appreciation of the roles of the Department of State Services (DSS-Nigeria’s domestic intelligence service) and the Nigeria Police. To understand our line of argument in this regard, please read our analysis titled “Nigeria needs an Internal Security Doctrine,” whose first part was published before this piece and whose second part would be published soon.
General A. Olonisakin, Lt-Gen T. Buratai, Vice-Admiral I. Ibas and Air Marshal S. Abubakar clearly and unequivocally remain perhaps the most battle tested Generals on the continent of Africa in contemporary times. They met and surpassed expectation on the basis of their professional conduct and achievements. We wish them all the best in their well-deserved retirement.
Published on January 30 2021
Following the appointment of new service chiefs by the President of Nigeria and Commander-in-Chief, President Muhammadu Buhari, Gaskiya.net delays the publication of the second part of its analysis titled “Nigeria needs an Internal Security Doctrine,” to allow for this special analysis on the changes in Nigeria’s defence establishment.
On January 26 2021, President Buhari announced the appointment of new service chiefs for Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters, Army, Navy and Air-Force. The new appointees—Major-General L. Irabor, Major-General I. Attahiru, Rear-Admiral A. Gambo and Air Vice-Marshal O. Amao—replaced General A. Olonisakin, Lt-Gen T. Buratai, Vice-Admiral I. Ibas and Air Marshal S. Abubakar.
Contrary to the opinion held by some in Nigeria, Gaskiya.net firmly believes that the former service chiefs are arguably some of the finest generals on the continent, given their roles, the operations they planned and executed and their individual and cumulative achievements.
General Olonisakin oversaw the improvement in organic warfare by the three arms of the Armed Forces, something that had always proven to be difficult. The asymmetric warfare that the military confronted required significant organic deployment and planning, as well as coordination and execution. Prior to confronting Boko Haram and ISWAP, the Nigerian Armed Forces only had such joint warfare in real combat environments during the Liberian and Sierra-Leonean civil wars under the banner of the multi-dimensional peace support and peace enforcement operations initiated by the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The threat posed to Nigerian forces by the NPFL (in Liberia) and RUF (in Sierra-Leone) were significantly less than what Boko Haram and ISWAP offered. It was Olonisakin’s lot therefore to review doctrine and lead a new approach which saw more coordinated and professional military deployments that recaptured territory previously held by the insurgents. It is difficult across the world today to find a national military force that has recovered territory captured by dogma-inspired insurgents without the help of extra-continental forces. Conversely, the US and NATO allies are themselves struggling with a Taliban force that still controls most of Afghanistan. In places where success was achieved as in Nigeria, it was with a coalition of domestic and extra-continental forces as it was done to recapture ground previously held by ISIS in Iraq and Syria. In the case of Nigeria, she worked within the region, mobilising States of the Lake Chad Basin Commission i.e. Cameroon, Chad and Niger.
General Buratai re-organised the Nigerian Army and created two additional divisions, one of which was based in the epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency—Maiduguri. Indeed, the insurgency revealed the lop-sidedness in previous defence architecture of Nigeria, which saw four main fighting divisions (1st, 2nd, 3rd Armoured and 82 Composite), with the 81 Division being created later to defend the country’s commercial capital—tasked with defending the entire country. Strangely, when the threat perception and reality changed, the architecture remained fixated. However, Nigeria exposed its entire north east and northwest, who’s combined size and challenging terrain was exploited by insurgents and lately, by bandits. Buratai’s strategy significantly strengthened the efforts of the military and aided the recapture of lost territory. He was also quite courageous, joining troops on the frontline several times and tenacious. One main weakness of the previous chief was the short tenure of most of his Theatre Commanders, except perhaps, for Lucky Irabor (now the new Chief of Defence Staff) as such frequent changes effected by him robbed the missions of consistency and sustained impact at certain times. This however takes nothing away from his brilliance and success. Buratai also laid the foundation for domestic manufacture of military equipment, mainly armoured fighting vehicles, MRAPS and tactical vehicles. He encouraged the private sector to boldly venture in this direction, creating a synergy with such firms as Innoson and Proforce, with the latter becoming the first domestic defence contractor in Nigeria to export military equipment (20 “Ara” vehicles exported to the Republic of Chad).
The Nigerian Navy under Admiral Ibas was less present in the battles against Boko Haram for obvious reasons, though several naval commandos (SBS) fought alongside their army and air force special forces colleagues for which the naval chief deserve commendation. He will be best remembered for leading the domestic construction of warships (NNS Andoni, NNS Karaduwa, to mention some), and leading a vigorous fleet renewal (scores of Inshore Patrol Craft acquired, one Landing Ship Tank and 2 Hydrographic Survey Vessels, etc.). However, a major setback was the non-acquisition or retrofitting of missile-capable craft, especially given the changing dynamics of naval power in the region. To his further credit, Admiral Ibas determinedly denied pirates freedom of navigation and action within Nigeria’s waters and adjoining sea territory, significantly reducing the incidence of piracy in Nigeria’s territorial waters and EEZ. It is on record that under his watch, the Nigerian Navy had to go to the rescue of the Cameroonian, Equatorial Guinean, Togolese, Beninoise and Ghanaian Navies several times, when these were confronted by perplexing pirate attacks. The major headache for Ibas was that whenever a pirate attack occurred within the Gulf of Guinea, the international media automatically reported that it had occurred within Nigeria’s waters to put him under pressure and instigate action from the Nigerian Navy. That often suggested that all such attacks were occurring within Nigeria’s territorial waters, which in several instances were not always true!
Air Marshal Sadiqque Abubakar successfully superintended over a Nigerian Air Force that was slowly being brought back from the ‘dead’ following the grounding of the force by the Ibrahim Babangida regime. President Obasanjo ordered the F7 Nis from China and bought two ATR-42 aircraft from Italy. It was however President Buhari’s lot to take a more comprehensive look at the NAF, with Abubakar being saddled with the responsibility to develop a new strategy that would see the Air Force fight both asymmetric and conventional wars simultaneously. He did not disappoint! Today, Abubakar leaves behind an air force that that has decimated a previously free-roaming insurgent group and significantly reduced its ability to threaten civilians and surface forces. The Nigerian Air Force is the only force in Africa to deploy armed drones and that actually has its own Drone Squadron. He upgraded domestic capacity to maintain airframes and engines, trained much more pilots than any air chief after the civil war, including inducting the first female fighter and combat helicopter pilots in the history of the NAF. The capacity of the force to deploy ISR platforms is unparalleled on the continent today, and the impact of these platforms has been felt in the battlespace. Abubakar has also led the development of the capacity of the NAF to inject strategic capability into its orbat with the induction of the JF-17 fighter aircraft. The impending arrival of the Super Tucano aircraft will gift the NAF with a damning orbat that positions it to deploy fierce firepower across all modern combat threats today and well beyond the capacity of any sub-Saharan air force.
The sterling performance of these Generals was seemingly dented by calls for their retirement for “non-performance,” but the considered opinion of Gaskiya.net is that those calls were largely made for reasons beyond the full remit of the forces under their command and without an appreciation of the roles of the Department of State Services (DSS-Nigeria’s domestic intelligence service) and the Nigeria Police. To understand our line of argument in this regard, please read our analysis titled “Nigeria needs an Internal Security Doctrine,” whose first part was published before this piece and whose second part would be published soon.
General A. Olonisakin, Lt-Gen T. Buratai, Vice-Admiral I. Ibas and Air Marshal S. Abubakar clearly and unequivocally remain perhaps the most battle tested Generals on the continent of Africa in contemporary times. They met and surpassed expectation on the basis of their professional conduct and achievements. We wish them all the best in their well-deserved retirement.
NIGERIA NEEDS AN INTERNAL SECURITY DOCTRINE 1
President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria.
NIGERIA NEEDS AN INTERNAL SECURITY DOCTRINE 1
Published on January 22 2021
“Needless to say that this problem soon surfaced in the north-west and north-central parts of Nigeria as well, and interestingly, only after security forces turned the heat on the actors. Government officials had often announced that banditry was an act perpetrated by influential businessmen in collusion with some traditional rulers to illegally mine choice minerals abounding especially in the north-west region. The decimation of most of those unlawful enterprises by the military saw a shift and the growing preponderance of kidnappings also in this region by those who may have previously been feeding fat on illegal mining.”
For the past two years in particular, Nigeria’s internal security situation has been deteriorating. It would appear as if the more the country’s security forces neutralised and conquered terrorists and the territory they once held in the north-eastern part of Nigeria, the more the security situation in the country’s north-west and north-central parts progressively took a turn for the worse.
That trend led some to suggest that terrorist elements—mainly Boko Haram and the so-called Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) –were simply relocating. Some others have averred that the groups operating in the areas outside of the north-east were “bandits” and not terrorists. Indeed, there might be some truth in this, given the fact that some of those so-called bandits did enter into peace deals with one or two State Governments in the region and clearly, the leadership that did so these authorities did not appear to be aligned in any way with the terror groups.
So what exactly has been going on in Nigeria? Well, from what Gaskiya.net has been able to piece together, armed robbery used to be the most violent form of crime in Africa’s largest economy. The moment States like Lagos—the commercial capital—were able to equip the Police with armoured vehicles in sufficient number and latest communication gadgets, it became increasingly difficult for robbers to attack banks. The introduction of penalty for carrying large amounts of cash (such transactions were taxed by the banks involved in them) and the establishment of thousands of ATM facilities denied robbers easy access to their previously nefarious sources of trade.
Criminals therefore switched to other forms of criminality, including kidnappings (since it also did not make sense to attack people in their homes as many no longer held huge amounts of cash at home since ATMs were now within walking distance). The act of holding people against their will had been popularised in the Niger-Delta, where armed groups held oil workers for ransom to protest oil spillages or simply an act of outright extortion.
Kidnapping gradually spread to other parts of the country, mainly the southern States. Now, it has become a problem across most of the country. With the re-organisation of the military approach to the Boko Haram problem, and with the success of that operation to reclaim territory previously held by that group, kidnapping now became a choice act for the terrorist too, as they employed it to source for money with which to fuel their continued violence.
Needless to say that this problem soon surfaced in the north-west and north-central parts of Nigeria as well, and interestingly, only after security forces turned the heat on the actors. Government officials had often announced that banditry was an act perpetrated by influential businessmen in collusion with some traditional rulers to illegally mine choice minerals abounding especially in the north-west region. The decimation of most of those unlawful enterprises by the military saw a shift and the growing preponderance of kidnappings also in this region by those who may have previously been feeding fat on illegal mining.
The height of such kidnappings was the abduction of boys from the Kankara Government Science Secondary School in Katsina State, ironically, at a time the President, who is from that very State, was holidaying there! That act brought into serious questioning, the ability of organs charged with guaranteeing Nigeria’s internal security and stability.
Published on January 22 2021
“Needless to say that this problem soon surfaced in the north-west and north-central parts of Nigeria as well, and interestingly, only after security forces turned the heat on the actors. Government officials had often announced that banditry was an act perpetrated by influential businessmen in collusion with some traditional rulers to illegally mine choice minerals abounding especially in the north-west region. The decimation of most of those unlawful enterprises by the military saw a shift and the growing preponderance of kidnappings also in this region by those who may have previously been feeding fat on illegal mining.”
For the past two years in particular, Nigeria’s internal security situation has been deteriorating. It would appear as if the more the country’s security forces neutralised and conquered terrorists and the territory they once held in the north-eastern part of Nigeria, the more the security situation in the country’s north-west and north-central parts progressively took a turn for the worse.
That trend led some to suggest that terrorist elements—mainly Boko Haram and the so-called Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) –were simply relocating. Some others have averred that the groups operating in the areas outside of the north-east were “bandits” and not terrorists. Indeed, there might be some truth in this, given the fact that some of those so-called bandits did enter into peace deals with one or two State Governments in the region and clearly, the leadership that did so these authorities did not appear to be aligned in any way with the terror groups.
So what exactly has been going on in Nigeria? Well, from what Gaskiya.net has been able to piece together, armed robbery used to be the most violent form of crime in Africa’s largest economy. The moment States like Lagos—the commercial capital—were able to equip the Police with armoured vehicles in sufficient number and latest communication gadgets, it became increasingly difficult for robbers to attack banks. The introduction of penalty for carrying large amounts of cash (such transactions were taxed by the banks involved in them) and the establishment of thousands of ATM facilities denied robbers easy access to their previously nefarious sources of trade.
Criminals therefore switched to other forms of criminality, including kidnappings (since it also did not make sense to attack people in their homes as many no longer held huge amounts of cash at home since ATMs were now within walking distance). The act of holding people against their will had been popularised in the Niger-Delta, where armed groups held oil workers for ransom to protest oil spillages or simply an act of outright extortion.
Kidnapping gradually spread to other parts of the country, mainly the southern States. Now, it has become a problem across most of the country. With the re-organisation of the military approach to the Boko Haram problem, and with the success of that operation to reclaim territory previously held by that group, kidnapping now became a choice act for the terrorist too, as they employed it to source for money with which to fuel their continued violence.
Needless to say that this problem soon surfaced in the north-west and north-central parts of Nigeria as well, and interestingly, only after security forces turned the heat on the actors. Government officials had often announced that banditry was an act perpetrated by influential businessmen in collusion with some traditional rulers to illegally mine choice minerals abounding especially in the north-west region. The decimation of most of those unlawful enterprises by the military saw a shift and the growing preponderance of kidnappings also in this region by those who may have previously been feeding fat on illegal mining.
The height of such kidnappings was the abduction of boys from the Kankara Government Science Secondary School in Katsina State, ironically, at a time the President, who is from that very State, was holidaying there! That act brought into serious questioning, the ability of organs charged with guaranteeing Nigeria’s internal security and stability.
A bird’s eye view of 2021 and the impact of a lingering pandemic and protracted conflicts
Published on 9 January 2021
The year 2020 was intriguing, perplexing, frustrating and traumatic all rolled into one! That’s a summation of the key descriptive words many have used to describe it in public comments and social media posts. It was nonetheless also a year that, due to the ravaging impact of Covid 19, landed many economies in a recession, including several African countries. On the brighter side, the pandemic showed the world a new way of doing business and running government.
According to the World Bank, the global economy shrank by 5.2% --the worst since 1998! Extreme poverty was expected to have risen by 100 million in projections by the same organisation, while persons affected by food insecurity, including perhaps millions in Africa, would probably have doubled. Gaskiya.net believes that global GDP will lose at least 2.4% (i.e. some USD3.4 Trillion) in real terms.
With these statistics as a base, it is interesting to see how the United Nations (UN) sees the world in 2021. For starters, it still believes that slowing down climate change remains one of the top priorities, through curbing carbon emissions by 7.6% every year (a process begun last year) for the next 10 years in order to limit global warming by 1.5 degrees.
While extreme poverty fell by 8% and has continued to do so especially in Africa and India, the impact of Covid is touted to affect that decline but we will need new studies to indicate the extent to which the pandemic has affected this change. It is however clear that, even before Covid, the rate of decrease was not going to be sufficient enough to halt extreme poverty by 2030. Sadly, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo are both expected to account for the world’s extreme poor by then (unless both countries execute radical measures).
Unending armed conflict—one of the major drivers of poverty and hunger—will continue to negatively impact the world in 2021. In a commentary published by the International Crisis Group (ICG), Robert Malley, its President, submitted that this year will “likely be plagued by unresolved legacies of the old.” He went on to list 10 major conflicts that will undermine global peace and compromise growth and development. These are: Afghanistan, Ethiopia, The Sahel, Yemen, Venezuela, Somalia, Libya, Iran-US, Russia-Turkey, Climate Change.
While these are notable conflicts, Gaskiya.net believes that Malley’s analysis is essentially Europocentric—prepared for a Euro-Atlantic audience with vested interests in the regions plagued by the identified conflicts. It is interesting to note that the Lake Chad area (where the Boko Haram insurgency, now reasonably contained, has nevertheless created displacement of significant proportions and severe economic crisis) is not featured while Ethiopia is. The magnitude of the problems in the latter pales in significance compared to Lake Chad and it is yet to be seen how the Tigrayans, sandwiched between two States whom they oppose, will be able to fight off both Ethiopia and Eritrea! The ICG nevertheless points us to the reality that with various conflicts left unresolved either due to the unwillingness or inability of the international system to address them, it makes no sense talking of wanting to stabilise the global order and reduce poverty and hunger especially against the backdrop of a still dangerous Covid 19 pandemic, with or without a vaccine regime.
The year 2020 was intriguing, perplexing, frustrating and traumatic all rolled into one! That’s a summation of the key descriptive words many have used to describe it in public comments and social media posts. It was nonetheless also a year that, due to the ravaging impact of Covid 19, landed many economies in a recession, including several African countries. On the brighter side, the pandemic showed the world a new way of doing business and running government.
According to the World Bank, the global economy shrank by 5.2% --the worst since 1998! Extreme poverty was expected to have risen by 100 million in projections by the same organisation, while persons affected by food insecurity, including perhaps millions in Africa, would probably have doubled. Gaskiya.net believes that global GDP will lose at least 2.4% (i.e. some USD3.4 Trillion) in real terms.
With these statistics as a base, it is interesting to see how the United Nations (UN) sees the world in 2021. For starters, it still believes that slowing down climate change remains one of the top priorities, through curbing carbon emissions by 7.6% every year (a process begun last year) for the next 10 years in order to limit global warming by 1.5 degrees.
While extreme poverty fell by 8% and has continued to do so especially in Africa and India, the impact of Covid is touted to affect that decline but we will need new studies to indicate the extent to which the pandemic has affected this change. It is however clear that, even before Covid, the rate of decrease was not going to be sufficient enough to halt extreme poverty by 2030. Sadly, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo are both expected to account for the world’s extreme poor by then (unless both countries execute radical measures).
Unending armed conflict—one of the major drivers of poverty and hunger—will continue to negatively impact the world in 2021. In a commentary published by the International Crisis Group (ICG), Robert Malley, its President, submitted that this year will “likely be plagued by unresolved legacies of the old.” He went on to list 10 major conflicts that will undermine global peace and compromise growth and development. These are: Afghanistan, Ethiopia, The Sahel, Yemen, Venezuela, Somalia, Libya, Iran-US, Russia-Turkey, Climate Change.
While these are notable conflicts, Gaskiya.net believes that Malley’s analysis is essentially Europocentric—prepared for a Euro-Atlantic audience with vested interests in the regions plagued by the identified conflicts. It is interesting to note that the Lake Chad area (where the Boko Haram insurgency, now reasonably contained, has nevertheless created displacement of significant proportions and severe economic crisis) is not featured while Ethiopia is. The magnitude of the problems in the latter pales in significance compared to Lake Chad and it is yet to be seen how the Tigrayans, sandwiched between two States whom they oppose, will be able to fight off both Ethiopia and Eritrea! The ICG nevertheless points us to the reality that with various conflicts left unresolved either due to the unwillingness or inability of the international system to address them, it makes no sense talking of wanting to stabilise the global order and reduce poverty and hunger especially against the backdrop of a still dangerous Covid 19 pandemic, with or without a vaccine regime.
#ENDSARS PROTEST: REFORMING THE NIGERIA POLICE TO MANAGE RIOTS
Inspector General of Police Mohammed Adamu.
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Nigeria Police Anti-Riot Unit
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Published on 16 November 2020
As the Nigerian authorities continue to ponder police reforms following the #ENDSARS protest which broke on October 8 2020, it seems a good time for Gaskiya.net to lend its voice to the call for suggestions meant to holistically address the problem. It is instructive to observe that the Federal Government of Nigeria accepted all the 5 demands of the protesters and disbanded the dreaded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) that had been at the core of the protests.
Our focus is solely on the Police Mobile Force (PMF), popularly known in Nigeria as “mobile police.” This is an anti-riot instrument, copied by Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, during his tour of Malaysia in the 1960’s. As conceived, the unit is expected to deal with protests that turn violent and overwhelm the regular police, or, respond to a break-down of law and order but which had not yet reached the threshold of armed violence.
Interestingly, no one has ever protested against this police unit, although its conduct in the past had sometimes led to accusations of excessive use of force. Overall, it is considered a well-organised unit that has clear engagement procedures and would probably rank second to the Police Bomb Disposal Squad, which is generally considered by many to be the best of all Nigeria Police units.
The Nigeria police mobile force was not deployed when the /#ENDSARS protests turned violent. That speaks volumes, as it does appear as if once things went out of control, the only resort was to deploy the army. It was not even deployed to protect police formations that were being attacked even before the main protest had become violent. Gaskiya.net believes that the PMF could have better managed the crisis that followed the initial peaceful protest because it is made up of police officers who after their regular police training, were then re-trained to manage violence. This therefore puts the unit in a better position to deal with that unfortunate development according to police standards and procedures.
Be that as it may, we believe that the PMF conceived in the time of Prime Minister Balewa (which has essentially not changed in orientation ever since) is no longer relevant for the times Nigeria lives in. We feel that PMF personnel should be given a more expansive training and the unit expanded to include an air portable unit to make it more nimble and easily deployable anywhere in the country. That would mean that it would have its own pilots and logistics and it should be independent of the regular police logistics division. In other words, it should be more or less a National Guard in orientation and having such a unit would remove any need to deploy the military to manage violent riots, or deploy them only when it is obvious that the situation had completely degenerated.
Gifting the PMF with its own air arm and logistics means that there is a big problem with the regular logistics division of the Nigeria Police. This should also be reformed and made functional. The Police in Nigeria today are heavily impaired logistics wise and no amount of reform will work if its logistics capabilities are not overhauled. Furthermore, the parking of vehicles of suspects or those involved in accidents within police premises is wrong. A better and safer way of detaining such vehicles/ exhibits should be devised, including considering privatising their warehousing. Many of such vehicles were destroyed by hoodlums in the aftermath of the #ENDSARS protests, thereby either destroying evidence, or destroying the property of members of the public and police officers whose automobiles were parked within the station precincts.
As the Nigerian authorities continue to ponder police reforms following the #ENDSARS protest which broke on October 8 2020, it seems a good time for Gaskiya.net to lend its voice to the call for suggestions meant to holistically address the problem. It is instructive to observe that the Federal Government of Nigeria accepted all the 5 demands of the protesters and disbanded the dreaded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) that had been at the core of the protests.
Our focus is solely on the Police Mobile Force (PMF), popularly known in Nigeria as “mobile police.” This is an anti-riot instrument, copied by Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, during his tour of Malaysia in the 1960’s. As conceived, the unit is expected to deal with protests that turn violent and overwhelm the regular police, or, respond to a break-down of law and order but which had not yet reached the threshold of armed violence.
Interestingly, no one has ever protested against this police unit, although its conduct in the past had sometimes led to accusations of excessive use of force. Overall, it is considered a well-organised unit that has clear engagement procedures and would probably rank second to the Police Bomb Disposal Squad, which is generally considered by many to be the best of all Nigeria Police units.
The Nigeria police mobile force was not deployed when the /#ENDSARS protests turned violent. That speaks volumes, as it does appear as if once things went out of control, the only resort was to deploy the army. It was not even deployed to protect police formations that were being attacked even before the main protest had become violent. Gaskiya.net believes that the PMF could have better managed the crisis that followed the initial peaceful protest because it is made up of police officers who after their regular police training, were then re-trained to manage violence. This therefore puts the unit in a better position to deal with that unfortunate development according to police standards and procedures.
Be that as it may, we believe that the PMF conceived in the time of Prime Minister Balewa (which has essentially not changed in orientation ever since) is no longer relevant for the times Nigeria lives in. We feel that PMF personnel should be given a more expansive training and the unit expanded to include an air portable unit to make it more nimble and easily deployable anywhere in the country. That would mean that it would have its own pilots and logistics and it should be independent of the regular police logistics division. In other words, it should be more or less a National Guard in orientation and having such a unit would remove any need to deploy the military to manage violent riots, or deploy them only when it is obvious that the situation had completely degenerated.
Gifting the PMF with its own air arm and logistics means that there is a big problem with the regular logistics division of the Nigeria Police. This should also be reformed and made functional. The Police in Nigeria today are heavily impaired logistics wise and no amount of reform will work if its logistics capabilities are not overhauled. Furthermore, the parking of vehicles of suspects or those involved in accidents within police premises is wrong. A better and safer way of detaining such vehicles/ exhibits should be devised, including considering privatising their warehousing. Many of such vehicles were destroyed by hoodlums in the aftermath of the #ENDSARS protests, thereby either destroying evidence, or destroying the property of members of the public and police officers whose automobiles were parked within the station precincts.
BRINGING COTE D’IVOIRE AND GUINEA BACK FROM THE BRINK!
President Alpha Conde of Guinea.
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President Alassane Outtara of Cote D' Ivoire
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Published on 9 November 2020
“This is a time for Presidents Ouattara and Conde to retrace their steps and free their countries from unnecessary harm that so far seems to have been self-inflicted. It is unthinkable that in both countries there would be no other citizens qualified to rule except these men, and it boggles the mind that both of them, who suffered persecution in the hands of previous leaders in their own countries in the past, would themselves now start persecuting others and take decisions that are a direct threat to the peace, stability and harmony of their countries and peoples. Notwithstanding its limitations, the work of ECOWAS is cut out as the world awaits its next line of action to bring these recalcitrant leaders and their countries back from the brink!”
On September 19, 2020, we here at Gaskiya.net published an analysis on the inherent danger caused by the Presidents of both Guinea and Cote d’Ivore in tampering with the term limits enshrined in their respective Constitutions. That action gave current incumbent Presidents: Alpha Conde and Alassane Ouattara, extra or unlimited terms in office. President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria had warned these leaders at the meeting of the Authority of Heads of State of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held in Niger, of the threat posed to their peoples by their action and the danger their action poses to the stability of West Africa.
Both leaders ignored the warning and proceeded with their politically contentious actions that have now set their respective countries on edge. President Conde reportedly won 59.5% of votes cast to continue in office, a result disputed by Cellou Dalein Diallo, his 68-year old main rival. At least 21 persons were reportedly killed in violence that occurred in the aftermath of the election. Delegations from ECOWAS and the UN flew into the country to try and defuse tensions and forge amity between Code and Diallo. Today, an uneasy calm however prevails as the Constitutional Court hears the case of the opposition to have the results of the poll overturned.
For Cote d’Ivoire, things have taken a far worse turn. Pascal Affi N’Guessan, Prime Minister between 2000 and 2003 under former President Laurent Gbagbo was whisked away by security forces never to be seen until the time of this analysis. He had been placed under house arrest for forming a parallel government after disputing the election of President Ouattara for a third term. He would be later charged with terrorism, probably prompting another former Prime Minister and rebel commander, Guillaume Soro, to ask the military to mutiny!
These are totally unnecessary outcomes that were a direct consequence of the breach of the Constitutions of Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire by the Presidents in question and as we predicted previously, they portend grave danger for the countries concerned and the West African region as well. The international community does not have the appetite for any armed violence in a region already wracked by terrorism fueled by dogma, with Mali and Burkina Faso experiencing serious security challenges up till this moment. France seems overstretched in Mali where she is an important factor in the anti-insurgency coalition there, while she also battles a resurgent Covid pandemic at home.
Nigeria herself is just recovering from peaceful protests that later turned violent and led to the destruction of many public and private assets. It is doubtful that she will be willing to fund an ECOWAS pacific intervention instrument as she did previously, should the crises in these countries take a turn for the worse, as might sadly happen if the current trajectory of developments is maintained. Indeed, three successive Nigerian Presidents—Obasanjo, Jonathan and now Buhari—had worked hard to prevent a breakdown of law and order at various times in Cote d’Ivoire’s recent history and it is unfortunate that events seem to be repeating themselves.
This is a time for Presidents Ouattara and Conde to retrace their steps and free their countries from unnecessary harm that so far seems to have been self-inflicted. It is unthinkable that in both countries there would be no other citizens qualified to rule except these men, and it boggles the mind that both of them, who suffered persecution in the hands of previous leaders in their own countries in the past, would themselves now start persecuting others and take decisions that are a direct threat to the peace, stability and harmony of their countries and peoples. Notwithstanding its limitations, the work of ECOWAS is cut out as the world awaits its next line of action to bring these recalcitrant leaders and their countries back from the brink!
“This is a time for Presidents Ouattara and Conde to retrace their steps and free their countries from unnecessary harm that so far seems to have been self-inflicted. It is unthinkable that in both countries there would be no other citizens qualified to rule except these men, and it boggles the mind that both of them, who suffered persecution in the hands of previous leaders in their own countries in the past, would themselves now start persecuting others and take decisions that are a direct threat to the peace, stability and harmony of their countries and peoples. Notwithstanding its limitations, the work of ECOWAS is cut out as the world awaits its next line of action to bring these recalcitrant leaders and their countries back from the brink!”
On September 19, 2020, we here at Gaskiya.net published an analysis on the inherent danger caused by the Presidents of both Guinea and Cote d’Ivore in tampering with the term limits enshrined in their respective Constitutions. That action gave current incumbent Presidents: Alpha Conde and Alassane Ouattara, extra or unlimited terms in office. President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria had warned these leaders at the meeting of the Authority of Heads of State of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held in Niger, of the threat posed to their peoples by their action and the danger their action poses to the stability of West Africa.
Both leaders ignored the warning and proceeded with their politically contentious actions that have now set their respective countries on edge. President Conde reportedly won 59.5% of votes cast to continue in office, a result disputed by Cellou Dalein Diallo, his 68-year old main rival. At least 21 persons were reportedly killed in violence that occurred in the aftermath of the election. Delegations from ECOWAS and the UN flew into the country to try and defuse tensions and forge amity between Code and Diallo. Today, an uneasy calm however prevails as the Constitutional Court hears the case of the opposition to have the results of the poll overturned.
For Cote d’Ivoire, things have taken a far worse turn. Pascal Affi N’Guessan, Prime Minister between 2000 and 2003 under former President Laurent Gbagbo was whisked away by security forces never to be seen until the time of this analysis. He had been placed under house arrest for forming a parallel government after disputing the election of President Ouattara for a third term. He would be later charged with terrorism, probably prompting another former Prime Minister and rebel commander, Guillaume Soro, to ask the military to mutiny!
These are totally unnecessary outcomes that were a direct consequence of the breach of the Constitutions of Guinea and Cote d’Ivoire by the Presidents in question and as we predicted previously, they portend grave danger for the countries concerned and the West African region as well. The international community does not have the appetite for any armed violence in a region already wracked by terrorism fueled by dogma, with Mali and Burkina Faso experiencing serious security challenges up till this moment. France seems overstretched in Mali where she is an important factor in the anti-insurgency coalition there, while she also battles a resurgent Covid pandemic at home.
Nigeria herself is just recovering from peaceful protests that later turned violent and led to the destruction of many public and private assets. It is doubtful that she will be willing to fund an ECOWAS pacific intervention instrument as she did previously, should the crises in these countries take a turn for the worse, as might sadly happen if the current trajectory of developments is maintained. Indeed, three successive Nigerian Presidents—Obasanjo, Jonathan and now Buhari—had worked hard to prevent a breakdown of law and order at various times in Cote d’Ivoire’s recent history and it is unfortunate that events seem to be repeating themselves.
This is a time for Presidents Ouattara and Conde to retrace their steps and free their countries from unnecessary harm that so far seems to have been self-inflicted. It is unthinkable that in both countries there would be no other citizens qualified to rule except these men, and it boggles the mind that both of them, who suffered persecution in the hands of previous leaders in their own countries in the past, would themselves now start persecuting others and take decisions that are a direct threat to the peace, stability and harmony of their countries and peoples. Notwithstanding its limitations, the work of ECOWAS is cut out as the world awaits its next line of action to bring these recalcitrant leaders and their countries back from the brink!
THE LESSONS OF THE #ENDSARS PROTESTS.
Published on October 31 2020
“The youth who have risen up to oppose the status quo must also bandy together and unite as a political force, giving expression to the “not-too-young-to-run” Bill signed into law by President Buhari before the last elections, to take reasonable control of the political space and impose their own agenda. After all, they make up over 60% of the country’s population and as they have recently shown, they can not only influence policy, but can actually seek and obtain political power given the country’s demographic reality which overwhelmingly favours them.”
The aftermath of the #ENDSARS protests that began on October 8 2020 has been rather catastrophic for many in Nigeria. Clearly, the truly peaceful and well-organised protest yielded unintended consequences, largely due to what some observers have described as the lack of “domain awareness” on the part of the organisers. For example, they probably overlooked the fact that the Covid 19 lockdown had affected many (especially those in the so-called informal sector who earn a daily wage), thus the blockage of access roads and airports by the protesters to generate maximum impact further worsened the plight of this category of citizens.
The protests hindered access to medical and other emergency needs for those who were caught up in it, and slowly built up unfulfilled needs and frustrations. Some truly impoverished citizens and not a few criminal-minded folks took advantage of the protests to loot businesses, private residences and warehouses, setting many ablaze after taking their fill of various items, including materials meant to cushion the adverse effects of Covid 19 for those in the below-the-pyramid strata. Worse still, it opened the door for criminals and those who had an axe to grind with law enforcement agencies to wreak havoc—attacking police formations, correctional facilities and the courts, unleashing suspects and condemned criminals into society and destroying evidence, including exhibits in the custody of the police. Many of such material evidence were burnt and destroyed to the unpleasant surprise of most Nigerians and the international community.
Nigerians are now rueing their losses but you still find some vigorously encouraging those who engaged in mass looting, criticising the police for arresting some of these persons. It beggars belief that these acts will enjoy support from a segment of the population, whose argument as it were, was that some politicians themselves who looted the commonwealth have gone scot free, and thus they see no reason why the law enforcement authorities should apprehend citizens who do the same. At best, this is a philosophical overview of the morass into which the Nigerian State has been sunk by the political elite. At the worst, it reflects what could be the collapsing moral values in the society.
In coming to terms with the holistic re-think that the #ENDSARS protests have invoked, Nigerians ought to reflect deeply and ask themselves where they really want to head. While some have been agitating for a break-up of the country—a growing but still largely unpopular option to many—the reality of the situation is that Nigeria can work as many desire if all of its ethnic nationalities invested as much time and resources as they spent arguing and suspecting each other and favouring only their kind, in making positive changes wherever they find themselves. The balkanisation of the country, in the unlikely event that it happens, will neither favour them, nor would it favour some foreign interests who desire it. The consequences are just too grave to contemplate.
As the authorities grapple with fulfilling the expectations of the young men and women who boldly and intellectually challenged the status quo through the #ENDSARS protests, the various centrifugal and centripetal forces in the country need to come together to build on the positive outcomes of that action for the good of the country’s over 200 million people. Nigeria’s political parties must also key into the change by allowing democratic processes to flourish in the election of candidates who will fly the flag of their parties in the various elections and stop imposing unpopular figures on their members. The youth who have risen up to oppose the status quo must also bandy together and unite as a political force, giving expression to the “not-too-young-to-run” Bill signed into law by President Buhari before the last elections, to take reasonable control of the political space and impose their own agenda. After all, they make up over 60% of the country’s population and as they have recently shown, they can not only influence policy, but can actually seek and obtain political power given the country’s demographic reality which overwhelmingly favours them.
“The youth who have risen up to oppose the status quo must also bandy together and unite as a political force, giving expression to the “not-too-young-to-run” Bill signed into law by President Buhari before the last elections, to take reasonable control of the political space and impose their own agenda. After all, they make up over 60% of the country’s population and as they have recently shown, they can not only influence policy, but can actually seek and obtain political power given the country’s demographic reality which overwhelmingly favours them.”
The aftermath of the #ENDSARS protests that began on October 8 2020 has been rather catastrophic for many in Nigeria. Clearly, the truly peaceful and well-organised protest yielded unintended consequences, largely due to what some observers have described as the lack of “domain awareness” on the part of the organisers. For example, they probably overlooked the fact that the Covid 19 lockdown had affected many (especially those in the so-called informal sector who earn a daily wage), thus the blockage of access roads and airports by the protesters to generate maximum impact further worsened the plight of this category of citizens.
The protests hindered access to medical and other emergency needs for those who were caught up in it, and slowly built up unfulfilled needs and frustrations. Some truly impoverished citizens and not a few criminal-minded folks took advantage of the protests to loot businesses, private residences and warehouses, setting many ablaze after taking their fill of various items, including materials meant to cushion the adverse effects of Covid 19 for those in the below-the-pyramid strata. Worse still, it opened the door for criminals and those who had an axe to grind with law enforcement agencies to wreak havoc—attacking police formations, correctional facilities and the courts, unleashing suspects and condemned criminals into society and destroying evidence, including exhibits in the custody of the police. Many of such material evidence were burnt and destroyed to the unpleasant surprise of most Nigerians and the international community.
Nigerians are now rueing their losses but you still find some vigorously encouraging those who engaged in mass looting, criticising the police for arresting some of these persons. It beggars belief that these acts will enjoy support from a segment of the population, whose argument as it were, was that some politicians themselves who looted the commonwealth have gone scot free, and thus they see no reason why the law enforcement authorities should apprehend citizens who do the same. At best, this is a philosophical overview of the morass into which the Nigerian State has been sunk by the political elite. At the worst, it reflects what could be the collapsing moral values in the society.
In coming to terms with the holistic re-think that the #ENDSARS protests have invoked, Nigerians ought to reflect deeply and ask themselves where they really want to head. While some have been agitating for a break-up of the country—a growing but still largely unpopular option to many—the reality of the situation is that Nigeria can work as many desire if all of its ethnic nationalities invested as much time and resources as they spent arguing and suspecting each other and favouring only their kind, in making positive changes wherever they find themselves. The balkanisation of the country, in the unlikely event that it happens, will neither favour them, nor would it favour some foreign interests who desire it. The consequences are just too grave to contemplate.
As the authorities grapple with fulfilling the expectations of the young men and women who boldly and intellectually challenged the status quo through the #ENDSARS protests, the various centrifugal and centripetal forces in the country need to come together to build on the positive outcomes of that action for the good of the country’s over 200 million people. Nigeria’s political parties must also key into the change by allowing democratic processes to flourish in the election of candidates who will fly the flag of their parties in the various elections and stop imposing unpopular figures on their members. The youth who have risen up to oppose the status quo must also bandy together and unite as a political force, giving expression to the “not-too-young-to-run” Bill signed into law by President Buhari before the last elections, to take reasonable control of the political space and impose their own agenda. After all, they make up over 60% of the country’s population and as they have recently shown, they can not only influence policy, but can actually seek and obtain political power given the country’s demographic reality which overwhelmingly favours them.
#ENDSARS #EndInsecurityNow PROTESTS: A NEW REALITY FOR NIGERIA’S POWER ELITE?
Published October 17, 2020
“For the moment, the reality is that the on-going nationwide protests have jolted the country’s power elite, who appeared to have been taken unawares. The common denominators amongst the youths across the country are that: they have risen up to challenge the power elite; used the instrumentality of the internet to beat domestic intelligence and outsmart law enforcement officers and successfully mobilised not just the entire country in support of their goals, but the international community as well, thereby making it difficult for the protests to be suppressed by force in full view of a global viewing audience!”
On October 8 2020, Nigeria’s youths, many of whom had been the target of an elite but rogue police unit known as the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), rose up after being mobilised through social media with the hashtag #ENDSARS to confront the police peacefully and force the authorities to disband the unit.
SARS operatives were known to frequently harass young people, search their phones and laptops without warrants and with threats to shoot them if they did not cooperate, detain innocent persons without conforming to even the standard operating procedure issued by their own service and in flagrant violations of the country’s Constitution, and extort money from their victims, killing some extra-judicially, confident that they would not be held accountable. They had been doing this for years until the massive protest of October 8 began.
It beggars belief that SARS would last this long, despite many celebrated violations, some of which had seen President Buhari himself intervening to compel the orderly room trial and prosecution of operatives. Many national and international human rights groups had also documented serial abuses by the unit, yet the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) appeared unable or unwilling to rein in its officers. Indeed, this situation suggested that the proceeds of the extortion by SARS officers was being shared with senior officers, hence the institutional weakness to sanction erring operatives. Within 48 hours of the outbreak of protests however, the current Inspector-General of Police, Mohammed Adamu disbanded the unit.
While the #ENDSARS protests began in Lagos, the country’s commercial hub and quickly spread to other parts of Nigeria, youths in the north of the country re-branded their own protests as #EndInsecurityNow, apparently to contextualise it (and rightly so), given the fact that the region suffers less from the menace of the SARS unit but is however confronted by the Boko Haram insurgency, banditry and cattle rustling. Despite the disbanding of SARS, the protests have continued, with demonstrators adding other vexing issues to their list of demands.
The organisers of the protests must now face the challenges that such mass movements throw up—the rapid change in the original aim of the protest, the risk of the well-organised and coordinated effort being hijacked by politicians, the sustained ability to manage the process and ensure that it remains continuously pacific in nature (and does not degenerate into violence), and the capacity to bring it to a logical conclusion when it becomes expedient to do so. While not having a centralised governing structure may have strengthened the protests, especially because the authorities cannot target its seemingly non-existent leadership, this may also prove to be its undoing, as several cooks might inevitably spoil the broth. Should they overcome these latent challenges, they would have succeeded in generating unprecedented momentum that will be difficult to stop.
For the moment, the reality is that the on-going nationwide protests have jolted the country’s power elite, who appeared to have been taken unawares. The common denominators amongst the youths across the country are that: they have risen up to challenge the power elite; used the instrumentality of the internet to beat domestic intelligence and outsmart law enforcement officers and successfully mobilised not just the entire country in support of their goals, but the international community as well, thereby making it difficult for the protests to be suppressed by force in full view of a global viewing audience!
“For the moment, the reality is that the on-going nationwide protests have jolted the country’s power elite, who appeared to have been taken unawares. The common denominators amongst the youths across the country are that: they have risen up to challenge the power elite; used the instrumentality of the internet to beat domestic intelligence and outsmart law enforcement officers and successfully mobilised not just the entire country in support of their goals, but the international community as well, thereby making it difficult for the protests to be suppressed by force in full view of a global viewing audience!”
On October 8 2020, Nigeria’s youths, many of whom had been the target of an elite but rogue police unit known as the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), rose up after being mobilised through social media with the hashtag #ENDSARS to confront the police peacefully and force the authorities to disband the unit.
SARS operatives were known to frequently harass young people, search their phones and laptops without warrants and with threats to shoot them if they did not cooperate, detain innocent persons without conforming to even the standard operating procedure issued by their own service and in flagrant violations of the country’s Constitution, and extort money from their victims, killing some extra-judicially, confident that they would not be held accountable. They had been doing this for years until the massive protest of October 8 began.
It beggars belief that SARS would last this long, despite many celebrated violations, some of which had seen President Buhari himself intervening to compel the orderly room trial and prosecution of operatives. Many national and international human rights groups had also documented serial abuses by the unit, yet the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) appeared unable or unwilling to rein in its officers. Indeed, this situation suggested that the proceeds of the extortion by SARS officers was being shared with senior officers, hence the institutional weakness to sanction erring operatives. Within 48 hours of the outbreak of protests however, the current Inspector-General of Police, Mohammed Adamu disbanded the unit.
While the #ENDSARS protests began in Lagos, the country’s commercial hub and quickly spread to other parts of Nigeria, youths in the north of the country re-branded their own protests as #EndInsecurityNow, apparently to contextualise it (and rightly so), given the fact that the region suffers less from the menace of the SARS unit but is however confronted by the Boko Haram insurgency, banditry and cattle rustling. Despite the disbanding of SARS, the protests have continued, with demonstrators adding other vexing issues to their list of demands.
The organisers of the protests must now face the challenges that such mass movements throw up—the rapid change in the original aim of the protest, the risk of the well-organised and coordinated effort being hijacked by politicians, the sustained ability to manage the process and ensure that it remains continuously pacific in nature (and does not degenerate into violence), and the capacity to bring it to a logical conclusion when it becomes expedient to do so. While not having a centralised governing structure may have strengthened the protests, especially because the authorities cannot target its seemingly non-existent leadership, this may also prove to be its undoing, as several cooks might inevitably spoil the broth. Should they overcome these latent challenges, they would have succeeded in generating unprecedented momentum that will be difficult to stop.
For the moment, the reality is that the on-going nationwide protests have jolted the country’s power elite, who appeared to have been taken unawares. The common denominators amongst the youths across the country are that: they have risen up to challenge the power elite; used the instrumentality of the internet to beat domestic intelligence and outsmart law enforcement officers and successfully mobilised not just the entire country in support of their goals, but the international community as well, thereby making it difficult for the protests to be suppressed by force in full view of a global viewing audience!
Buhari’s stern warning to Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea— West Africa’s new Bad Boys!
President Alassane Ouattara of Cote d'Ivoire.
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President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria.
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President Alpha Conde of Guinea.
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Published on September 19 2020
“We were gratified to observe that President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria boldly and in what Gaskiya.net chooses to describe as ‘uncharacteristic new diplomatese,’ warned political leaders against the temptation of elongating their tenure in office beyond constitutional limits, while addressing Heads of State and Governments at the 57th Ordinary Session of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Niamey, Niger Republic, in the first week of September 2020.”
On August 29 2020, Gaskiya.net published an analysis on the unfolding situation in Cote d’Ivoire, where incumbent President Alassane Ouattara is hell bent on running for a third term in office (against the constitution he had sworn to uphold upon assuming office in 2011). Since the publication of that analysis, the Constitutional Court of Cote d’Ivoire has gone ahead to seemingly support an illegality by endorsing the ambition of the President, while also banning the candidature of former Presidents Laurent Gbagbo (2000-2011), Konan Bedie (1993-1999), and former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro (April 2007 to March 2012). It is noteworthy to observe that President Alassane Ouattara himself has been in power since 2011. We warned of how the political situation in this country could imperil peace and security not just within it national borders, but across West Africa.
We were gratified to observe that President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria boldly and in what Gaskiya.net chooses to describe as ‘uncharacteristic new diplomatese,’ warned political leaders against the temptation of elongating their tenure in office beyond constitutional limits, while addressing Heads of State and Governments at the 57th Ordinary Session of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Niamey, Niger Republic, in the first week of September 2020. Indeed, leaders around the world often do not address this sensitive issue, so as not to be accused of “interfering in the internal affairs” of another State. For Buhari therefore to damn the consequences and confront the risk of being so accused in delivering a speech that bordered on nothing but the naked truth deserves commendation.
Guinea, another key country in West Africa, has been heading in the same direction as Cote d’Ivoire. In December 2019, its President, Alpha Conde, sought to have the limitation to his term quashed and later succeeded in doing so. At 81 years, Conde should be retiring and allowing younger citizens take the reins of power in Guinea but he is doing the exact opposite, seemingly subverting institutions set up to ensure the integrity of Guinea’s democratic process to achieve his aim. Needless to add that the country has since been embroiled in mass protests ever since.
Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea are important in global trade and the security of West Africa. Cote d’Ivoire is the world’s largest exporter of cocoa, earning USD 3 billion annually from this crop, while Guinea has the world’s largest bauxite reserves, with mineral exports accounting for 17% of its GDP. Guinea has 13 million people, while the population of Cote d’Ivoire is 25 million. The unfolding political crisis in both countries therefore puts the lives of about 40 million ECOWAS citizens in grave danger, underscoring the salient nature of President Buhari’s warning in Niger.
Additionally and has been witnessed in the past, while Cote d’Ivoire has had a very weak military that could hardly confront internal threats, unknown to many, Guinea on the contrary has been the second most important country in West Africa’s regional security architecture (after Nigeria), providing brave and well-trained combat troops that fought alongside its West African brother State to stabilise Liberia during the heydays of the ECOMOG instrument. A weak or politically insecure Guinea is therefore bad news for a sub-region that is now increasingly facing grave security threats in Mali and Burkina Faso. The failure of President Ouattara to rebuild the Ivorien Army could further complicate that country’s security should things go out of control (as they threaten to do given the President’s current intransigence).
Buhari’s warning should also be viewed against the fact that at those times when the sub-region faced potent danger in the past, the international community often put pressure on Nigeria to intervene. That Nigeria usually had the means to do so was never in doubt, and she had indeed done so severally, including during the time of General Sani Abacha when the country deployed close to a full army division in active combat theatres (Liberia, Sierra/Leone and the Bakassi Peninsula) without yielding ground in any of those operations (despite sanctions imposed on the military due to Abacha’s truncation of the democratic process in Nigeria). The reality of today is however different, as it is doubtful whether Nigeria can respond in such robust fashion, given her own internal challenges and budgetary constraints. This could be the undertone behind President Buhari’s charge, even if his argument had logic on its own—you do not subvert your country’s constitution that you had sworn to uphold.
Since that warning was issued, nothing on the ground has happened to suggest that the Presidents of Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea are considering stepping back from the brink. Both countries therefore look set to complicate the already precarious security situation in their respective countries. President Buhari will have to do more than warn these new bad boys…and the world must back him up to prevent what appears—when added to festering security problems in Mali and Burkina Faso— to be a looming disaster in West Africa, a sub-region yet to conclude the neutralisation of sporadic campaigns by Boko Haram and ISWAP within the Lake Chad region.
“We were gratified to observe that President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria boldly and in what Gaskiya.net chooses to describe as ‘uncharacteristic new diplomatese,’ warned political leaders against the temptation of elongating their tenure in office beyond constitutional limits, while addressing Heads of State and Governments at the 57th Ordinary Session of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Niamey, Niger Republic, in the first week of September 2020.”
On August 29 2020, Gaskiya.net published an analysis on the unfolding situation in Cote d’Ivoire, where incumbent President Alassane Ouattara is hell bent on running for a third term in office (against the constitution he had sworn to uphold upon assuming office in 2011). Since the publication of that analysis, the Constitutional Court of Cote d’Ivoire has gone ahead to seemingly support an illegality by endorsing the ambition of the President, while also banning the candidature of former Presidents Laurent Gbagbo (2000-2011), Konan Bedie (1993-1999), and former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro (April 2007 to March 2012). It is noteworthy to observe that President Alassane Ouattara himself has been in power since 2011. We warned of how the political situation in this country could imperil peace and security not just within it national borders, but across West Africa.
We were gratified to observe that President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria boldly and in what Gaskiya.net chooses to describe as ‘uncharacteristic new diplomatese,’ warned political leaders against the temptation of elongating their tenure in office beyond constitutional limits, while addressing Heads of State and Governments at the 57th Ordinary Session of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Niamey, Niger Republic, in the first week of September 2020. Indeed, leaders around the world often do not address this sensitive issue, so as not to be accused of “interfering in the internal affairs” of another State. For Buhari therefore to damn the consequences and confront the risk of being so accused in delivering a speech that bordered on nothing but the naked truth deserves commendation.
Guinea, another key country in West Africa, has been heading in the same direction as Cote d’Ivoire. In December 2019, its President, Alpha Conde, sought to have the limitation to his term quashed and later succeeded in doing so. At 81 years, Conde should be retiring and allowing younger citizens take the reins of power in Guinea but he is doing the exact opposite, seemingly subverting institutions set up to ensure the integrity of Guinea’s democratic process to achieve his aim. Needless to add that the country has since been embroiled in mass protests ever since.
Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea are important in global trade and the security of West Africa. Cote d’Ivoire is the world’s largest exporter of cocoa, earning USD 3 billion annually from this crop, while Guinea has the world’s largest bauxite reserves, with mineral exports accounting for 17% of its GDP. Guinea has 13 million people, while the population of Cote d’Ivoire is 25 million. The unfolding political crisis in both countries therefore puts the lives of about 40 million ECOWAS citizens in grave danger, underscoring the salient nature of President Buhari’s warning in Niger.
Additionally and has been witnessed in the past, while Cote d’Ivoire has had a very weak military that could hardly confront internal threats, unknown to many, Guinea on the contrary has been the second most important country in West Africa’s regional security architecture (after Nigeria), providing brave and well-trained combat troops that fought alongside its West African brother State to stabilise Liberia during the heydays of the ECOMOG instrument. A weak or politically insecure Guinea is therefore bad news for a sub-region that is now increasingly facing grave security threats in Mali and Burkina Faso. The failure of President Ouattara to rebuild the Ivorien Army could further complicate that country’s security should things go out of control (as they threaten to do given the President’s current intransigence).
Buhari’s warning should also be viewed against the fact that at those times when the sub-region faced potent danger in the past, the international community often put pressure on Nigeria to intervene. That Nigeria usually had the means to do so was never in doubt, and she had indeed done so severally, including during the time of General Sani Abacha when the country deployed close to a full army division in active combat theatres (Liberia, Sierra/Leone and the Bakassi Peninsula) without yielding ground in any of those operations (despite sanctions imposed on the military due to Abacha’s truncation of the democratic process in Nigeria). The reality of today is however different, as it is doubtful whether Nigeria can respond in such robust fashion, given her own internal challenges and budgetary constraints. This could be the undertone behind President Buhari’s charge, even if his argument had logic on its own—you do not subvert your country’s constitution that you had sworn to uphold.
Since that warning was issued, nothing on the ground has happened to suggest that the Presidents of Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea are considering stepping back from the brink. Both countries therefore look set to complicate the already precarious security situation in their respective countries. President Buhari will have to do more than warn these new bad boys…and the world must back him up to prevent what appears—when added to festering security problems in Mali and Burkina Faso— to be a looming disaster in West Africa, a sub-region yet to conclude the neutralisation of sporadic campaigns by Boko Haram and ISWAP within the Lake Chad region.
Cote d’Ivoire: Time for ECOWAS Preventive Diplomacy is now!
President Alassane Ouattara of Cote d'Ivoire
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President M. Issoufou of Niger. Current Chairman of ECOWAS
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Published August 29 2020
Gaskiya.net is worried by the unfolding developments in Cote d’Ivoire. The Constitution of this very important African country was tweaked in 2016 to remove term limits and this has now seemingly paved the way for incumbent President Allasan Outtara to run for a third term in an election scheduled for October 2020. Understandably, the subsequent announcement by Outtara that he will be running has led to a spate of demonstrations in the country, raising fears that the world’s largest producer of cocoa could be heading into another round of chaos as it did in the early 2000’s.
To underscore this fear, the main opposition parties in Cote d’Ivoire—Parti Democratique de la Cote d’Ivoire,-Rassemblement Democratique Africain (PDCI) and Front Populaire Ivorien (FPI) are geared towards resisting the President’s decision. On the cards too is the expression of disquiet regarding the composition of the country’s electoral commission by these parties and some civil society groups.
Of more concern to us at Gaskiya.net is the worry that President Ouattara and his party-Rassemblement des Houphouestistes pour la Democratie may be oblivious of the grave danger lurking by the action they’ve taken. For those who may not remember, President Outtara himself was a beneficiary of the chaos that attended the refusal of former President Laurent Gbagbo to quit office after he had lost elections, amidst a bitter inter-ethnic tension woven around the infamous claim of who a real Ivorien was. President Gbagbo had himself had to battle a rebellion that refused to go away, stretching from the time of President Konan Bedie and his predecessor, General Robert Guei. Many Ivoriens lost their lives, the country was almost split into two, while the national army fractured, with former colonial ruler France looking on amidst the crises. It took Nigerian President Obasanjo’s deployment of Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to stave off the collapse of Abidjan and the capitulation of the Ivorien Army to the armed opposition.
The emergence of President Gbagbo and the initial beginnings of his administration had to be stabilised by the regional body-ECOWAS, which deployed a military force-ECOWAS Mission in Cote d’Ivoire (ECOMICI) to strengthen security in the country. ECOMICI, like its predecessor missions (ECOMOG in Liberia, Sierra-Leone and Guinea Bissau) acquitted itself creditably, paving the way for the UN to deploy a more expansive mission to build on the successful foundation laid by the pacific instruments established by ECOWAS.
In the opinion of Gaskiya.net, President Ouattara may not have done enough to reconcile the country. The tensions between those supposedly indigenous to Cote d’Ivoire and those derogatorily regarded by some as ‘Burkinabe’ still lie underground and have not been sufficiently neutralised. The administration of President Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria did a lot to encourage President Ouattara to institute an all-embracing national reconciliation but our investigations indicate that the Rassemblement des Houphouestistes pour la Democratie did not follow through sufficiently.
Herein lies the problem. Cote d’Ivoire has not healed, and for President Ouattara to now abolish term limits and proceed with running for a third term poses a grave risk not only to the security of that country, but also to the security of the whole of West Africa. This is because the planned elections and the risky build up to it are coming close to the on-going political and security crisis in Mali, as well as the mess that has engulfed a part of Burkina Faso where fundamentalist groups riding on the wave of dogma, have wreaked havoc. It is time for preventive diplomacy by ECOWAS to prevent a major catastrophe that could see three key member-states that are close to each other collapse under the weight of inarticulate decisions by the various political elite, opposition from a large part of the citizenry, and weak military capability. President Muhamadou Issoufou of Niger Republic, the current chair of ECOWAS and who has been working extra hard to secure Mali and other hot spots, needs all the support he can get from his brother-Heads of State, especially President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria, to prevent mayhem in Cote d’Ivoire. It is incumbent on the region and the international community to chip in too.
Gaskiya.net is worried by the unfolding developments in Cote d’Ivoire. The Constitution of this very important African country was tweaked in 2016 to remove term limits and this has now seemingly paved the way for incumbent President Allasan Outtara to run for a third term in an election scheduled for October 2020. Understandably, the subsequent announcement by Outtara that he will be running has led to a spate of demonstrations in the country, raising fears that the world’s largest producer of cocoa could be heading into another round of chaos as it did in the early 2000’s.
To underscore this fear, the main opposition parties in Cote d’Ivoire—Parti Democratique de la Cote d’Ivoire,-Rassemblement Democratique Africain (PDCI) and Front Populaire Ivorien (FPI) are geared towards resisting the President’s decision. On the cards too is the expression of disquiet regarding the composition of the country’s electoral commission by these parties and some civil society groups.
Of more concern to us at Gaskiya.net is the worry that President Ouattara and his party-Rassemblement des Houphouestistes pour la Democratie may be oblivious of the grave danger lurking by the action they’ve taken. For those who may not remember, President Outtara himself was a beneficiary of the chaos that attended the refusal of former President Laurent Gbagbo to quit office after he had lost elections, amidst a bitter inter-ethnic tension woven around the infamous claim of who a real Ivorien was. President Gbagbo had himself had to battle a rebellion that refused to go away, stretching from the time of President Konan Bedie and his predecessor, General Robert Guei. Many Ivoriens lost their lives, the country was almost split into two, while the national army fractured, with former colonial ruler France looking on amidst the crises. It took Nigerian President Obasanjo’s deployment of Nigerian Air Force fighter jets to stave off the collapse of Abidjan and the capitulation of the Ivorien Army to the armed opposition.
The emergence of President Gbagbo and the initial beginnings of his administration had to be stabilised by the regional body-ECOWAS, which deployed a military force-ECOWAS Mission in Cote d’Ivoire (ECOMICI) to strengthen security in the country. ECOMICI, like its predecessor missions (ECOMOG in Liberia, Sierra-Leone and Guinea Bissau) acquitted itself creditably, paving the way for the UN to deploy a more expansive mission to build on the successful foundation laid by the pacific instruments established by ECOWAS.
In the opinion of Gaskiya.net, President Ouattara may not have done enough to reconcile the country. The tensions between those supposedly indigenous to Cote d’Ivoire and those derogatorily regarded by some as ‘Burkinabe’ still lie underground and have not been sufficiently neutralised. The administration of President Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria did a lot to encourage President Ouattara to institute an all-embracing national reconciliation but our investigations indicate that the Rassemblement des Houphouestistes pour la Democratie did not follow through sufficiently.
Herein lies the problem. Cote d’Ivoire has not healed, and for President Ouattara to now abolish term limits and proceed with running for a third term poses a grave risk not only to the security of that country, but also to the security of the whole of West Africa. This is because the planned elections and the risky build up to it are coming close to the on-going political and security crisis in Mali, as well as the mess that has engulfed a part of Burkina Faso where fundamentalist groups riding on the wave of dogma, have wreaked havoc. It is time for preventive diplomacy by ECOWAS to prevent a major catastrophe that could see three key member-states that are close to each other collapse under the weight of inarticulate decisions by the various political elite, opposition from a large part of the citizenry, and weak military capability. President Muhamadou Issoufou of Niger Republic, the current chair of ECOWAS and who has been working extra hard to secure Mali and other hot spots, needs all the support he can get from his brother-Heads of State, especially President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria, to prevent mayhem in Cote d’Ivoire. It is incumbent on the region and the international community to chip in too.
Chaos in Mali-UN, US and France must accept responsibility
UN Flag
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French President Emmanuel Macron
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Published August 19 2020
"In doing so, Gaskiya.net rejects the position espoused by Kyle Murphy, ex-analyst with the US Defence Intelligence Agency (who now works with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies) that it is “Mali’s internal governance and security challenges that are driving instability across the Sahel.” This is false because it is very clear that it was the NATO military operation in Libya to oust Colonel Moammer Qhaddafi that resulted in the worsening of the political and security crisis in Mali and the Sahel".
On July 18, 2020, Gaskiya.net published an analysis on Mali, calling on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to step in and prevent a collapse. ECOWAS leaders heeded our call and intensified negotiations with the parties to what was then the evolving crisis in that country. Exactly one month after—August 18, 2020, the government of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has been toppled by Mali’s military—the second time in 8 years that a coup would happen in the country.
In the aftermath of this recent development, ECOWAS has justifiably imposed immediate sanctions and closed all land borders with Mali, as well as shutting down the country’s airspace. The African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN) have also followed suit by condemning the coup. Ostensibly, these actions are designed to pressurise the military into negotiating a reversal of the cancellation of constitutional order.
While the coup is wrong, events in Mali in recent months made it inevitable. President Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria’s immediate past President who led the initiative of ECOWAS to return Mali to normalcy following the spate of demonstrations that totally paralysed the country, had given indications during his briefing of President Muhammadu Buhari, just a day before the coup, that no success had been achieved and things could spiral out of control.
Malians have been angry at what they considered to be massive corruption in the country, a failure of the government to stem the tide of jihadi insurgencies in the north and central parts of the country and the failure of 14,000 international forces, including the French military, to make any significant impact in helping to stabilise the country. These are legitimate concerns indeed. They however do not warrant a coup, as that could worsen the security problems in Mali. Nonetheless, ECOWAS and other international bodies need to address these issues frontally.
In doing so, Gaskiya.net rejects the position espoused by Kyle Murphy, ex-analyst with the US Defence Intelligence Agency (who now works with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies) that it is “Mali’s internal governance and security challenges that are driving instability across the Sahel.” This is false because it is very clear that it was the NATO military operation in Libya to oust Colonel Moammer Qhaddafi that resulted in the worsening of the political and security crisis in Mali and the Sahel.
The United States, France and the UN must therefore accept responsibility for what Mali has become since they allowed Tuareg fighters who had fought on the side of the Libyan Army to drive in the open desert and return to Mali with weapons from Libya under the full glare of NATO aircraft that were policing a “no-fly zone” imposed by the UN on Libya. Their return and subsequent insurgency became the catalyst for what has now created serious security problems in Mali and Burkina Faso in particular (and the Lake Chad area as well). These countries and the UN therefore have a big role to play to reverse this dangerous slide to anarchy in the Sahel.
ECOWAS must factor this thinking into its reflections as it tries to pry Mali out of chaos. The military officers who staged the coup in Bamako, while trying to salvage a bad situation, need to demonstrate more responsibility and patriotism that is inclusive of reality. Unconstitutional change of power does not bode well for any African country, Mali inclusive. The lack of traction by 14 battalions of international forces in Mali need to be reviewed and urgent changes made. Clear objectives, benchmarks and timelines need to be established for those forces to ensure that they stay focused and show results. If ECOWAS and other international bodies ignore these facts, their work towards the resolution of the current Mali crisis could rebound off a brick wall.
Published August 19 2020
"In doing so, Gaskiya.net rejects the position espoused by Kyle Murphy, ex-analyst with the US Defence Intelligence Agency (who now works with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies) that it is “Mali’s internal governance and security challenges that are driving instability across the Sahel.” This is false because it is very clear that it was the NATO military operation in Libya to oust Colonel Moammer Qhaddafi that resulted in the worsening of the political and security crisis in Mali and the Sahel".
On July 18, 2020, Gaskiya.net published an analysis on Mali, calling on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to step in and prevent a collapse. ECOWAS leaders heeded our call and intensified negotiations with the parties to what was then the evolving crisis in that country. Exactly one month after—August 18, 2020, the government of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has been toppled by Mali’s military—the second time in 8 years that a coup would happen in the country.
In the aftermath of this recent development, ECOWAS has justifiably imposed immediate sanctions and closed all land borders with Mali, as well as shutting down the country’s airspace. The African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN) have also followed suit by condemning the coup. Ostensibly, these actions are designed to pressurise the military into negotiating a reversal of the cancellation of constitutional order.
While the coup is wrong, events in Mali in recent months made it inevitable. President Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria’s immediate past President who led the initiative of ECOWAS to return Mali to normalcy following the spate of demonstrations that totally paralysed the country, had given indications during his briefing of President Muhammadu Buhari, just a day before the coup, that no success had been achieved and things could spiral out of control.
Malians have been angry at what they considered to be massive corruption in the country, a failure of the government to stem the tide of jihadi insurgencies in the north and central parts of the country and the failure of 14,000 international forces, including the French military, to make any significant impact in helping to stabilise the country. These are legitimate concerns indeed. They however do not warrant a coup, as that could worsen the security problems in Mali. Nonetheless, ECOWAS and other international bodies need to address these issues frontally.
In doing so, Gaskiya.net rejects the position espoused by Kyle Murphy, ex-analyst with the US Defence Intelligence Agency (who now works with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies) that it is “Mali’s internal governance and security challenges that are driving instability across the Sahel.” This is false because it is very clear that it was the NATO military operation in Libya to oust Colonel Moammer Qhaddafi that resulted in the worsening of the political and security crisis in Mali and the Sahel.
The United States, France and the UN must therefore accept responsibility for what Mali has become since they allowed Tuareg fighters who had fought on the side of the Libyan Army to drive in the open desert and return to Mali with weapons from Libya under the full glare of NATO aircraft that were policing a “no-fly zone” imposed by the UN on Libya. Their return and subsequent insurgency became the catalyst for what has now created serious security problems in Mali and Burkina Faso in particular (and the Lake Chad area as well). These countries and the UN therefore have a big role to play to reverse this dangerous slide to anarchy in the Sahel.
ECOWAS must factor this thinking into its reflections as it tries to pry Mali out of chaos. The military officers who staged the coup in Bamako, while trying to salvage a bad situation, need to demonstrate more responsibility and patriotism that is inclusive of reality. Unconstitutional change of power does not bode well for any African country, Mali inclusive. The lack of traction by 14 battalions of international forces in Mali need to be reviewed and urgent changes made. Clear objectives, benchmarks and timelines need to be established for those forces to ensure that they stay focused and show results. If ECOWAS and other international bodies ignore these facts, their work towards the resolution of the current Mali crisis could rebound off a brick wall.
Six months into the Covid 19 Pandemic: Sustaining African capacity and partnerships
Mr.
Akinwunmi Adesina. President African Development Bank.
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His Excellency Mr. Cyril Ramaphosa. President of South Africa
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Published on 8 August 2020
“Gaskiya.net has been quite impressed with the efforts of the African Development Bank (ADB) that set aside USD3billion to support Covid 19 response on the continent, the mobilisation of the African Union (AU), and the efforts of the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) in particular. Regarding WAHO, it recently started distributing thousands of medical materials and other consumables for the 14 member-States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). “
Since the outbreak of the Covid 19 pandemic in Africa in late January to early February, many States have witnessed mixed reactions in the level of infections and the response of the authorities towards containing and defeating the virus.
The response from the provision of personal protective equipment (PPEs) has been impressive, as we have witnessed the ramping up of local production of these items, unlike what obtained in the past when the continent always had to wait on States, humanitarian or development organisations to support them by donating such items. Masks and ventilators have been produced and / or manufactured in large quantities, even in countries where the production of these items previously did not exist. This is a big boost for the various domestic health-care systems across the continent.
Gaskiya.net has been quite impressed with the efforts of the African Development Bank (ADB) that set aside USD3billion to support Covid 19 response on the continent, the mobilisation of the African Union (AU), and the efforts of the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) in particular. Regarding WAHO, it recently started distributing thousands of medical materials and other consumables for the 14 member-States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
With regard to WAHO’s efforts, the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) began airlifting those items in the first week of August with its fleet of Hercules C-130 transport aircraft from its 307 Executive Airlift Group base in Abuja, the Nigerian capital. They were shipped to Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, The Gambia, Sierra-Leone, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Niger Republic, Senegal and Togo. It was heart-warming to see this initiative happen. Jean-Claude Kassi Brou, Chairperson of the ECOWAS Commission and Stanley Okolo, Director-General of WAHO deserve commendation for this.
It is important to instigate continent-wide support for South Africa, currently having the highest number of Covid 19 cases on continent at 500’000 infected persons. (Egypt is the second most infected country on the continent). The government of President Cyril Ramaphosa has done its best but requires solidarity and support from the rest of Africa. South Africa is a rich country, yes, but there is nothing wrong to show solidarity with her and share technical information and other best practices with her to help strengthen her efforts in continuing the virus at home, and also to check its cross border spread to the countries surrounding her.
The challenge now is for African States to harness the synergies that have been developed during this pandemic and leverage it going forward in efforts to enhance the capacity of the health delivery systems across Africa. So far, only West Africa is showing indications of going in this direction. The AU must coordinate such inclusive and cohesive approach not just for Covid 19, but for other health challenges confronting the continent, including malaria and the dreaded Ebola virus disease. It will be a tragedy if Africa were to resort to the depending on external powers after the opportunity this pandemic has presented and the lessons-learned in dealing with it.
“Gaskiya.net has been quite impressed with the efforts of the African Development Bank (ADB) that set aside USD3billion to support Covid 19 response on the continent, the mobilisation of the African Union (AU), and the efforts of the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) in particular. Regarding WAHO, it recently started distributing thousands of medical materials and other consumables for the 14 member-States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). “
Since the outbreak of the Covid 19 pandemic in Africa in late January to early February, many States have witnessed mixed reactions in the level of infections and the response of the authorities towards containing and defeating the virus.
The response from the provision of personal protective equipment (PPEs) has been impressive, as we have witnessed the ramping up of local production of these items, unlike what obtained in the past when the continent always had to wait on States, humanitarian or development organisations to support them by donating such items. Masks and ventilators have been produced and / or manufactured in large quantities, even in countries where the production of these items previously did not exist. This is a big boost for the various domestic health-care systems across the continent.
Gaskiya.net has been quite impressed with the efforts of the African Development Bank (ADB) that set aside USD3billion to support Covid 19 response on the continent, the mobilisation of the African Union (AU), and the efforts of the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) in particular. Regarding WAHO, it recently started distributing thousands of medical materials and other consumables for the 14 member-States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
With regard to WAHO’s efforts, the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) began airlifting those items in the first week of August with its fleet of Hercules C-130 transport aircraft from its 307 Executive Airlift Group base in Abuja, the Nigerian capital. They were shipped to Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, The Gambia, Sierra-Leone, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Niger Republic, Senegal and Togo. It was heart-warming to see this initiative happen. Jean-Claude Kassi Brou, Chairperson of the ECOWAS Commission and Stanley Okolo, Director-General of WAHO deserve commendation for this.
It is important to instigate continent-wide support for South Africa, currently having the highest number of Covid 19 cases on continent at 500’000 infected persons. (Egypt is the second most infected country on the continent). The government of President Cyril Ramaphosa has done its best but requires solidarity and support from the rest of Africa. South Africa is a rich country, yes, but there is nothing wrong to show solidarity with her and share technical information and other best practices with her to help strengthen her efforts in continuing the virus at home, and also to check its cross border spread to the countries surrounding her.
The challenge now is for African States to harness the synergies that have been developed during this pandemic and leverage it going forward in efforts to enhance the capacity of the health delivery systems across Africa. So far, only West Africa is showing indications of going in this direction. The AU must coordinate such inclusive and cohesive approach not just for Covid 19, but for other health challenges confronting the continent, including malaria and the dreaded Ebola virus disease. It will be a tragedy if Africa were to resort to the depending on external powers after the opportunity this pandemic has presented and the lessons-learned in dealing with it.
MALI MUST NOT COLLAPSE: A call for ECOWAS to engage more and stabilise Bamako.
President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita of Mali.
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Ecowas logo
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Published on July 18 2020
Mali is a key country not just in West Africa, but in global history. By the 14th Century, Timbuktu had become the world’s best intellectual centre, publishing manuscripts on astronomy and mathematics. The country itself grew off the ashes of flourishing Kingdoms and the empire-building prowess of powerful emperors, notably Mansa Kankan Musa and Sundjata. Colonised by France in the late 19th century, Mali gained its independence in 1960.
Mali is landlocked, but proudly sits atop its rich history, economic endowments and intellectual capacity. It occupies a pride of place in West Africa and is a key member of the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Like many other African and indeed other developing countries, Mali has had its own fair dose of political instability but managed to stabilise in the 1990s.
The 19 million people of this country would however endure another spate of armed conflicts from January 2012, when a well-armed Touareg military force, retreating from having fought alongside Colonel Ghaddafi’s forces in Libya, returned home to declare an independent State of “Azawad.” Three months later, a certain Captain Ahmadou Haya Sanogo of the Malian Army overthrew President Ahmadou Toumani Touré, citing the failure of the President to equip the army sufficiently enough to enable it to quell the then unfolding rebellion. ECOWAS imposed sanctions immediately, which significantly brought the coupists under tremendous pressure. The military was persuaded to relinquish power and a ballot to elect a new President held in July 2013, followed by a run-off and the conduct of Legislative elections. By January 2014, Mali was firmly back under civilian rule.
The rebellion in the north however did not fade away but became stronger. Efforts by ECOWAS States to help the Malian military resist the rebellion were frustrated by both the United States and President Sarkozy of France who did everything to hinder the efforts of ECOWAS. The emergence of President Francois Hollonde fared better, as he supported ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) and deployed French forces alongside African troops to help Mali. This resulted in the recapture of swathes of territory previously lost to the rebels. The United Nations would later adopt the ECOWAS force that had been deployed and “re-hat” them as UN Forces, known as the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA).
A cocktail of political solutions was prepared by the UN to forge consensus amongst the warring factions and unite Bamako and these forces behind one robust plan. This seemed to have been working before more radical fundamentalist groups infiltrated Mali and further worsened the crisis. To sustain the little progress attained, the UN Security Council extended the mandate of MINUSMA until last June, but the unfolding political development in Mali now threatens to compromise the fragile gains made.
Today, Mali tethers on the edge of violence. In March 2020 and during a run up to Presidential elections, opposition front runner Soumaila Cissé of the Union for the Republic and Democracy Party was abducted while campaigning close to the town of Niafunke in central Mali. He has since not been released. President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has faced a robust challenge mounted by a coalition of groups with the popular religious leader Mahmoud Dicko at its head. They’ve been protesting the escalation of violence in the country, despite the presence of the UN force and many units of French troops. The country has thus been experiencing massive demonstrations ever since and the fragile peace there is now seriously at the risk of being compromised. When we consider that neighbouring Burkina Faso has faced attacks by fundamentalist groups, a fractured Mali could create serious problems in West Africa’s Sahel region.
Gaskiya.net therefore strongly believes that this is the time for ECOWAS to regain the initiative. The sub-regional bloc has a track record in the pacific resolution of disputes that is the envy of many regions of the world. It intervened in lawless Liberia(through its peace support instrument known as ECOMOG) and forced Charles Taylor to the negotiating table; it successfully reversed a violent military coup in Sierra-Leone (still under ECOMOG) and restored President Tedjan Kabba to power; it intervened in Cote d’Ivoire (under its force, ECOMICI) and stabilised that country before UN instruments were deployed; it set up a robust programme in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) that has since resulted in the restoration of democracy, and only recently, it ousted defeated President Yahya Jameh from power in Banjul (under its ECOMIG force) to enable the elected leader Adama Barrow assume office in The Gambia. ECOWAS was succeeding in Mali before extra-continental powers undermined its effort. Now that a dead-end looms, friends of Africa would best lend their weight to an ECOWAS initiative and help restore Mali to sanity and stability again.
Mali is a key country not just in West Africa, but in global history. By the 14th Century, Timbuktu had become the world’s best intellectual centre, publishing manuscripts on astronomy and mathematics. The country itself grew off the ashes of flourishing Kingdoms and the empire-building prowess of powerful emperors, notably Mansa Kankan Musa and Sundjata. Colonised by France in the late 19th century, Mali gained its independence in 1960.
Mali is landlocked, but proudly sits atop its rich history, economic endowments and intellectual capacity. It occupies a pride of place in West Africa and is a key member of the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Like many other African and indeed other developing countries, Mali has had its own fair dose of political instability but managed to stabilise in the 1990s.
The 19 million people of this country would however endure another spate of armed conflicts from January 2012, when a well-armed Touareg military force, retreating from having fought alongside Colonel Ghaddafi’s forces in Libya, returned home to declare an independent State of “Azawad.” Three months later, a certain Captain Ahmadou Haya Sanogo of the Malian Army overthrew President Ahmadou Toumani Touré, citing the failure of the President to equip the army sufficiently enough to enable it to quell the then unfolding rebellion. ECOWAS imposed sanctions immediately, which significantly brought the coupists under tremendous pressure. The military was persuaded to relinquish power and a ballot to elect a new President held in July 2013, followed by a run-off and the conduct of Legislative elections. By January 2014, Mali was firmly back under civilian rule.
The rebellion in the north however did not fade away but became stronger. Efforts by ECOWAS States to help the Malian military resist the rebellion were frustrated by both the United States and President Sarkozy of France who did everything to hinder the efforts of ECOWAS. The emergence of President Francois Hollonde fared better, as he supported ECOWAS and the African Union (AU) and deployed French forces alongside African troops to help Mali. This resulted in the recapture of swathes of territory previously lost to the rebels. The United Nations would later adopt the ECOWAS force that had been deployed and “re-hat” them as UN Forces, known as the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA).
A cocktail of political solutions was prepared by the UN to forge consensus amongst the warring factions and unite Bamako and these forces behind one robust plan. This seemed to have been working before more radical fundamentalist groups infiltrated Mali and further worsened the crisis. To sustain the little progress attained, the UN Security Council extended the mandate of MINUSMA until last June, but the unfolding political development in Mali now threatens to compromise the fragile gains made.
Today, Mali tethers on the edge of violence. In March 2020 and during a run up to Presidential elections, opposition front runner Soumaila Cissé of the Union for the Republic and Democracy Party was abducted while campaigning close to the town of Niafunke in central Mali. He has since not been released. President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita has faced a robust challenge mounted by a coalition of groups with the popular religious leader Mahmoud Dicko at its head. They’ve been protesting the escalation of violence in the country, despite the presence of the UN force and many units of French troops. The country has thus been experiencing massive demonstrations ever since and the fragile peace there is now seriously at the risk of being compromised. When we consider that neighbouring Burkina Faso has faced attacks by fundamentalist groups, a fractured Mali could create serious problems in West Africa’s Sahel region.
Gaskiya.net therefore strongly believes that this is the time for ECOWAS to regain the initiative. The sub-regional bloc has a track record in the pacific resolution of disputes that is the envy of many regions of the world. It intervened in lawless Liberia(through its peace support instrument known as ECOMOG) and forced Charles Taylor to the negotiating table; it successfully reversed a violent military coup in Sierra-Leone (still under ECOMOG) and restored President Tedjan Kabba to power; it intervened in Cote d’Ivoire (under its force, ECOMICI) and stabilised that country before UN instruments were deployed; it set up a robust programme in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) that has since resulted in the restoration of democracy, and only recently, it ousted defeated President Yahya Jameh from power in Banjul (under its ECOMIG force) to enable the elected leader Adama Barrow assume office in The Gambia. ECOWAS was succeeding in Mali before extra-continental powers undermined its effort. Now that a dead-end looms, friends of Africa would best lend their weight to an ECOWAS initiative and help restore Mali to sanity and stability again.
Rebuilding Nigeria’s armoured divisions: Staving off eventualities from Libya?
An Armoured Personnel Carrier {APC} belonging to the Nigerian Army. Photo. Courtesy of Vanguard Newspapers Nigeria.
Published July 4 2020
Nigeria has been battling the Boko Haram insurgency for over 10 years, and while the recent consolidated successes of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) comprising of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria are known, what is probably not known is the growing threat to her and the region beyond the threat Boko Haram presents. The lack of appreciation of this threat caused some strategic experts to express surprise at the new Order of Battle (orbat) being inducted into the Nigerian Armed Forces.
Indeed, it had been widely reported by both mainstream media and defence journals on 9th April 2020 that the Nigerian Army had received Chinese-made VT-4 Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), SH-5 self-propelled howitzers and other equipment and devices valued at USD152 million. The speed with which the equipment was produced for Nigeria and the strategic capability of the VT-4 MBT in particular, was to cause wide speculation. Some observers suggested that Nigeria was angling to really take the counter-insurgency war to Boko Haram, perhaps, in what is speculated to be a final push. Others opined that the purchase of these equipment was ill-advised, since the war against Boko Haram was asymmetrical and such equipment were not suited to such warfare typology. Nigerian domestic media itself attributed the purchase to the counter-insurgency effort.
Gaskiya.net however sees beyond these analyses. In our view, the purchases by the Nigerian military point to a preparation for something of greater threat to that country and its immediate region. To probably understand a critical shift in Nigeria’s orbat as exemplified in these recent purchases, one needs to recall the mess that Libya has become, against the backdrop of the raging conflict between Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces and those of the government in Tripoli.
On January 2, 2020, and as widely reported in the media, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey passed a resolution backing the deployment of Turkish troops to Libya. Turkish forces began entering Libya 3 days later, to add to the myriad of forces already operating there. These allegedly include Sudanese and Russian mercenaries, in addition to weapon supplies from Egypt, UAE and virtually all over the world. Keen observers of the Boko Haram insurgency will recall that it became worse after the weapons sent to Libyan groups to overthrow Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi found their way beyond the shores of Libya. The armed rebellion in northern Mali was a direct consequence of the Libyan crisis, while the deadly turn the Boko Haram insurgency took was also attributed to Libya.
Gaskiya.net believes that the acquisition of the VT-4 MBTs and other modern armaments are part of Nigeria’s rebuilding of its mechanised forces (all the army’s 8 divisions are mechanised or armoured in orientation) to stave off any eventuality from Libya. It suggests that the country sees the deployment of foreign forces into Libya as a big threat to her sovereignty and the defence of her north-eastern flanks. This threat assessment is probably underscored by the fact that Chad, the only country separating Nigeria from Libya, is itself compromised by internal but often unreported turmoil (often masked by the braggadocio of President Idris Deby). A credible threat stares Chad in the face, driven by the armada deployed into the Libyan theatre by the multiplicity of actors and the confusion imposed on that space by the failure of both the UN, NATO and Russia to forge convergence between the actors in Tripoli and Benghazi.
Nigeria’s action suggests that she has probably learnt from the mistakes made in underestimating threats from a fractured Libya, which worsened the Boko Haram insurgency and turned the Lake Chad area into a humanitarian mess. This commitment from Nigeria is greatly contributing to re-shaping her hard power options, especially when added to on-going rebuilding of that country’s Air Force. Further commitment and zeal are now required to build and sustain Nigeria’s soft power options to rapidly facilitate a return to peace and stability in her north-eastern flanks.
Nigeria has been battling the Boko Haram insurgency for over 10 years, and while the recent consolidated successes of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) comprising of Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria are known, what is probably not known is the growing threat to her and the region beyond the threat Boko Haram presents. The lack of appreciation of this threat caused some strategic experts to express surprise at the new Order of Battle (orbat) being inducted into the Nigerian Armed Forces.
Indeed, it had been widely reported by both mainstream media and defence journals on 9th April 2020 that the Nigerian Army had received Chinese-made VT-4 Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), SH-5 self-propelled howitzers and other equipment and devices valued at USD152 million. The speed with which the equipment was produced for Nigeria and the strategic capability of the VT-4 MBT in particular, was to cause wide speculation. Some observers suggested that Nigeria was angling to really take the counter-insurgency war to Boko Haram, perhaps, in what is speculated to be a final push. Others opined that the purchase of these equipment was ill-advised, since the war against Boko Haram was asymmetrical and such equipment were not suited to such warfare typology. Nigerian domestic media itself attributed the purchase to the counter-insurgency effort.
Gaskiya.net however sees beyond these analyses. In our view, the purchases by the Nigerian military point to a preparation for something of greater threat to that country and its immediate region. To probably understand a critical shift in Nigeria’s orbat as exemplified in these recent purchases, one needs to recall the mess that Libya has become, against the backdrop of the raging conflict between Gen Khalifa Haftar’s forces and those of the government in Tripoli.
On January 2, 2020, and as widely reported in the media, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey passed a resolution backing the deployment of Turkish troops to Libya. Turkish forces began entering Libya 3 days later, to add to the myriad of forces already operating there. These allegedly include Sudanese and Russian mercenaries, in addition to weapon supplies from Egypt, UAE and virtually all over the world. Keen observers of the Boko Haram insurgency will recall that it became worse after the weapons sent to Libyan groups to overthrow Colonel Moammer Ghaddafi found their way beyond the shores of Libya. The armed rebellion in northern Mali was a direct consequence of the Libyan crisis, while the deadly turn the Boko Haram insurgency took was also attributed to Libya.
Gaskiya.net believes that the acquisition of the VT-4 MBTs and other modern armaments are part of Nigeria’s rebuilding of its mechanised forces (all the army’s 8 divisions are mechanised or armoured in orientation) to stave off any eventuality from Libya. It suggests that the country sees the deployment of foreign forces into Libya as a big threat to her sovereignty and the defence of her north-eastern flanks. This threat assessment is probably underscored by the fact that Chad, the only country separating Nigeria from Libya, is itself compromised by internal but often unreported turmoil (often masked by the braggadocio of President Idris Deby). A credible threat stares Chad in the face, driven by the armada deployed into the Libyan theatre by the multiplicity of actors and the confusion imposed on that space by the failure of both the UN, NATO and Russia to forge convergence between the actors in Tripoli and Benghazi.
Nigeria’s action suggests that she has probably learnt from the mistakes made in underestimating threats from a fractured Libya, which worsened the Boko Haram insurgency and turned the Lake Chad area into a humanitarian mess. This commitment from Nigeria is greatly contributing to re-shaping her hard power options, especially when added to on-going rebuilding of that country’s Air Force. Further commitment and zeal are now required to build and sustain Nigeria’s soft power options to rapidly facilitate a return to peace and stability in her north-eastern flanks.
I cry not for Nkurunziza, but for the lives he broke.
In 2015, thousands in Burundi took to the streets to protest against President Nkurunziza running for a third term. Credit: Igor Rugwiza.
Published June 15 2020
By KETTY NIVYABANDI.
I cry for the country we could have had these past five years, for the blood that could have been spared, for the memories families could have built.
On 25 April 2020, exactly five years after Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would run for a third term, I attended the virtual screening of a new documentary. The Forgotten of the Great Lakes, directed and produced by Burundian filmmaker Joseph Bitamba, looks at the use of rape as a weapon of war, following survivors in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and then Burundi.
The Burundian survivors interviewed share one thing in common: they all lived in neighborhoods that actively protested against Nkurunziza’s third term in 2015 and were raped by security forces in retaliation. One woman’s testimony will haunt me forever. She does not wipe away her tears and her voice breaks as she describes how policemen and members of ruling party’s youth militia – the notorious Imbonerakure – burst into her home. They gangraped her, in front of her children, before trying to force her teenage son to rape her too. When he resisted, he was shot on the spot. He was left for dead, lying on top of his mother’s body, but survived his wounds. From that moment on, however, he was unable to look his mother in the eye. Having witnessed her violation and been forced to participate in it, something deeper than his physical wounds had been broken in him. He left home without saying a word a few days later, never to be seen again.
When the news broke on 9 June that Nkurunziza had died, aged 55, my initial reaction was shock. It felt unreal, almost staged, a plot twist that befits literature, not real life. But slowly the shock began to fade as notifications exploded on my phone. Numbness cooled my veins and left me frozen, in a state I still can’t quite describe. I imagine what I am feeling is only a fraction of what these rape survivors felt upon hearing of his passing.
Tradition in Burundi is deeply respectful of the dead. One does not speak ill of the deceased, certainly not in the early days. A seven-day national mourning period has begun across the country. My family and I prayed for the wife and children Nkurunziza leaves behind tonight. But I shed no tears over his untimely death.
My tears, instead, are for the lives forever bruised and haunted by the pain his regime caused. I cry for the country we could have had these past five years; for the blood that could have been spared; for the memories families could have built together; for the amputated limbs of our young protestors; for the elderly who walked kilometres to end their lives in refugee camps; for the million little broken pieces so many of us have become.
When Nkurunziza came to power in 2005, the air was full of possibility. A newly-elected president from the long oppressed Hutu majority was democratically acceding power, ending a decade of war. He promised change and social justice measures such as free primary education and maternity care. As a journalist at the time, pregnant with my first child, I covered the elections with enthusiasm at a new pan-African radio station. Independent media was flourishing, civic space was guaranteed, and there was an exceptionally open environment for political debate. Despite decades of politically induced ethnic tensions, Tutsis and Hutus alike seemed to believe in a new beginning for the nation.
Things deteriorated slowly over Nkurunziza’s first term. Corruption and extrajudicial killings accelerated in his second. Then, in 2015, he announced he would run for a third, despite the constitution’s two-term limit. This prompted days of widespread protests. On 13 May, some soldiers carried out a failed coup. Soon after, the regime cracked down heavily on protesters, journalists, government opponents and activists. Many were imprisoned. The rest, including my own family, went into exile. Renaissance FM, the radio station I had helped start, was burnt to the ground.
For many Burundians, waking up to photos of hand-tied, dead bodies stuffed in street gutters became the new norm. Human life lost value and family WhatsApp groups discussed murder and disappearances in the same breath as weddings and births.
For exiled families like my daughters and I, the past five years have meant being torn from our lives and the innocence of childhood being forever halted in its course. I dedicated all my energy to bringing the regime’s crimes to light. I hoped, above all, that African states would break ranks from one of the worst dictatorships today. To put things in perspective, the notorious Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet is estimated to have killed 3,200 people over 16 years. By 2018, it was estimated that Nkurunziza’s regime had killed 1,700 people in just 4 years.
State violence is not new to Burundi. Nkurunziza followed in the footsteps of his predecessors, including those who murdered his own father in 1972 and those he fought to overthrow with his rebellion. He was the product of a cycle of impunity, which is at the root of Burundi’s recurring crises. It pains me that his sudden death robs us of another chance to install a culture of justice and accountability so essential for lasting peace.
Perhaps the greatest irony in Nkurunziza’s death is his dismissal of the COVID-19 pandemic. In recent rallies in support of his successor Evariste Ndayishimiye, who won presidential elections just three weeks ago, he claimed that God had purified Burundi’s air and that no masks were necessary in his blessed land. One of the last acts of his government was to expel World Health Organisation representatives and dismiss the need for preventative measures. Although the official cause of Nkurunziza’s death is a heart attack, rumours abound that he had contracted the virus. His wife, Denise Bucumi, was airlifted to Kenya for treatment days earlier, a luxury most Burundians cannot afford to dream of. He leaves his country at high risk, with some of the poorest health infrastructure on the continent.
Those who were close to Nkurunziza or directly benefited from his rule grieve him today. It is their right. But his death should not sanitise his life. I am holding space for a different loss, for the deaths which are not reported and for which flags will not fly at half mast. I mourn the tortured, the imprisoned, the impoverished. Nkurunziza may find peace in death, but his victims will live with the wounds of his rule for the rest of their lives.
My heart goes out to them. May a new dawn rise for them and for the Burundian people as a whole. This is the hard work that awaits us all.
Culled from www.africanarguments.org
By KETTY NIVYABANDI.
I cry for the country we could have had these past five years, for the blood that could have been spared, for the memories families could have built.
On 25 April 2020, exactly five years after Pierre Nkurunziza announced he would run for a third term, I attended the virtual screening of a new documentary. The Forgotten of the Great Lakes, directed and produced by Burundian filmmaker Joseph Bitamba, looks at the use of rape as a weapon of war, following survivors in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and then Burundi.
The Burundian survivors interviewed share one thing in common: they all lived in neighborhoods that actively protested against Nkurunziza’s third term in 2015 and were raped by security forces in retaliation. One woman’s testimony will haunt me forever. She does not wipe away her tears and her voice breaks as she describes how policemen and members of ruling party’s youth militia – the notorious Imbonerakure – burst into her home. They gangraped her, in front of her children, before trying to force her teenage son to rape her too. When he resisted, he was shot on the spot. He was left for dead, lying on top of his mother’s body, but survived his wounds. From that moment on, however, he was unable to look his mother in the eye. Having witnessed her violation and been forced to participate in it, something deeper than his physical wounds had been broken in him. He left home without saying a word a few days later, never to be seen again.
When the news broke on 9 June that Nkurunziza had died, aged 55, my initial reaction was shock. It felt unreal, almost staged, a plot twist that befits literature, not real life. But slowly the shock began to fade as notifications exploded on my phone. Numbness cooled my veins and left me frozen, in a state I still can’t quite describe. I imagine what I am feeling is only a fraction of what these rape survivors felt upon hearing of his passing.
Tradition in Burundi is deeply respectful of the dead. One does not speak ill of the deceased, certainly not in the early days. A seven-day national mourning period has begun across the country. My family and I prayed for the wife and children Nkurunziza leaves behind tonight. But I shed no tears over his untimely death.
My tears, instead, are for the lives forever bruised and haunted by the pain his regime caused. I cry for the country we could have had these past five years; for the blood that could have been spared; for the memories families could have built together; for the amputated limbs of our young protestors; for the elderly who walked kilometres to end their lives in refugee camps; for the million little broken pieces so many of us have become.
When Nkurunziza came to power in 2005, the air was full of possibility. A newly-elected president from the long oppressed Hutu majority was democratically acceding power, ending a decade of war. He promised change and social justice measures such as free primary education and maternity care. As a journalist at the time, pregnant with my first child, I covered the elections with enthusiasm at a new pan-African radio station. Independent media was flourishing, civic space was guaranteed, and there was an exceptionally open environment for political debate. Despite decades of politically induced ethnic tensions, Tutsis and Hutus alike seemed to believe in a new beginning for the nation.
Things deteriorated slowly over Nkurunziza’s first term. Corruption and extrajudicial killings accelerated in his second. Then, in 2015, he announced he would run for a third, despite the constitution’s two-term limit. This prompted days of widespread protests. On 13 May, some soldiers carried out a failed coup. Soon after, the regime cracked down heavily on protesters, journalists, government opponents and activists. Many were imprisoned. The rest, including my own family, went into exile. Renaissance FM, the radio station I had helped start, was burnt to the ground.
For many Burundians, waking up to photos of hand-tied, dead bodies stuffed in street gutters became the new norm. Human life lost value and family WhatsApp groups discussed murder and disappearances in the same breath as weddings and births.
For exiled families like my daughters and I, the past five years have meant being torn from our lives and the innocence of childhood being forever halted in its course. I dedicated all my energy to bringing the regime’s crimes to light. I hoped, above all, that African states would break ranks from one of the worst dictatorships today. To put things in perspective, the notorious Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet is estimated to have killed 3,200 people over 16 years. By 2018, it was estimated that Nkurunziza’s regime had killed 1,700 people in just 4 years.
State violence is not new to Burundi. Nkurunziza followed in the footsteps of his predecessors, including those who murdered his own father in 1972 and those he fought to overthrow with his rebellion. He was the product of a cycle of impunity, which is at the root of Burundi’s recurring crises. It pains me that his sudden death robs us of another chance to install a culture of justice and accountability so essential for lasting peace.
Perhaps the greatest irony in Nkurunziza’s death is his dismissal of the COVID-19 pandemic. In recent rallies in support of his successor Evariste Ndayishimiye, who won presidential elections just three weeks ago, he claimed that God had purified Burundi’s air and that no masks were necessary in his blessed land. One of the last acts of his government was to expel World Health Organisation representatives and dismiss the need for preventative measures. Although the official cause of Nkurunziza’s death is a heart attack, rumours abound that he had contracted the virus. His wife, Denise Bucumi, was airlifted to Kenya for treatment days earlier, a luxury most Burundians cannot afford to dream of. He leaves his country at high risk, with some of the poorest health infrastructure on the continent.
Those who were close to Nkurunziza or directly benefited from his rule grieve him today. It is their right. But his death should not sanitise his life. I am holding space for a different loss, for the deaths which are not reported and for which flags will not fly at half mast. I mourn the tortured, the imprisoned, the impoverished. Nkurunziza may find peace in death, but his victims will live with the wounds of his rule for the rest of their lives.
My heart goes out to them. May a new dawn rise for them and for the Burundian people as a whole. This is the hard work that awaits us all.
Culled from www.africanarguments.org
George Floyd: Stereotyping Africans as icons of misery and underdevelopment as a driver of racism
A graffiti by artist 'EME Freethinker' that expresses support of U.S. protests over the death of George Floyd, a black man who died in police custody, and others are pictured in the public park 'Mauerpark' in Berlin, Germany
Published June 9 2020
“It has become so bad that the media uses the images of poor African children, women and the elderly anytime they wish to illustrate stories on war, disease, famine and misery.It is our considered opinion that this practice fuels bigotry and racism in the consciousness of non-Black people, and could directly and indirectly reinforce hostile action against blacks, including a systematic suppression of their civil rights.”
The world woke up to the proliferation of protests and riots across many cities in the United States, following the inhuman killing of an African-American, George Floyd, on May 25 2020 by police officers of the Minneapolis Police Department in the US State of Minnesota. The gruesome murder was recorded and transmitted on social media, jolting the US and resulting in protests across 140 cities and activating the National Guard in 21 States, according to reports by the New York Times. The world soon got caught in the protests, as activists in the UK, Germany and Australia mobilised demonstrators to protest the perennial killing of Black people especially in the United States.
Moussa Faki Mamamat, the Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission, issued a statement on May 29 2020 that strongly condemned the brutal killing of Mr. Floyd by law enforcement agents in the US, and extended his condolences to the bereaved family. In the same statement, Faki recalled the historic resolution of the Organisation of African Unity-OAU, the predecessor institution of the AU, at its First Assembly Meeting in Cairo, Egypt between 17-24 July 1964, rejecting the continued discriminatory practices against Black citizens of the United States of America.
As the world continues to pressurise the US to institute police reforms to curb the incessant killing of African-Americans, Latinos and indigenous populations in that country, Gaskiya.net once again re-affirms its own call for the stoppage of the use of Blacks to depict misery and misfortune. In our analysis published on May 11 2020, we had argued that some sections of the Western media “... choose to focus on the negative issues on the African continent, continuously driving and sustaining a narrative of a continent at war with itself and unable to transform its socio-economic and political challenges into positive change and sustainable development. It has become so bad that this media uses the images of poor African children, women and the elderly anytime they wish to illustrate stories on war, disease, famine and misery.”
It is our considered opinion that this practice fuels bigotry and racism in the consciousness of non-Black people, and could directly and indirectly reinforce hostile action against Blacks, including a systematic suppression of their civil rights. When global media do not show Blacks who have achieved significant milestones or the success of African countries in various fields of human development, the economy or even in urbanisation, but choose to continually focus on the weaknesses or failures recorded in genuine attempts to confront the monumental challenges stacked against Black people, an anti-Black or anti-African psychology is reinforced in the sub-consciousness of non-Black people. As we did in that analysis, we once again affirm that it’s high time African governments, elites and friends of Africa compelled sections of the international media, humanitarian and development organisations to stop making Africans the icons of misery and misfortune! This is one critical step required to neutralise the negative perception of Africans and Black people and a very important measure to checkmate bigotry and hostility towards African people and other non-Caucasians.
AfDB, Akinwunmi Adesina: Reminding the US that “Africa has come of Age!”
Dr. Akinwunmi Adesina. President of the African Development Bank. Picture courtesy of Guardian.ng
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Gaskiya.net Special Analysis
Published May 29, 2020
“Indeed, African leaders and those non-African members of the Bank must resist the clearly patronising effort of the US, which from all intents and purposes, seeks to castrate a successful and performing African institution and leadership. Their goal is to make African States perpetually dependent on western funding, which often comes with strings attached and are used to undermine our collective development effort as a continent.”
Published on May 29 2020
On 11 January 1976 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Gen Murtala Muhammed of Nigeria, addressed his brother Heads of State at an Extraordinary Summit Meeting of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU, now African Union-AU). His speech challenged US policy in Africa’s liberation struggle, exemplified by a letter written by President Gerald Ford of the US, opposing the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-MPLA-from assuming leadership of post-colonial Angola after its Portuguese colonists had been militarily defeated by the liberation movements in that country. Specifically, Gen Muhammed submitted in a powerful exhortation that “Africa has come of Age.” That position swayed many African States into abandoning support for the US policy that had blacklisted the MPLA, whom they then gave their backing, gifting Agostinho Neto with the goodwill and diplomatic wherewithal he needed to subsequently become the first President of independent Angola. It was an unprecedented defeat for American foreign policy by the African continent.
On May 11 2020, Gaskiya.net hadpublished an analysis calling on sections of the western media as well as humanitarian and development organisations to stop using Africans as icons of misery and misfortune. This was premised on verifiable and published facts showing that these phenomena are not exclusive to the African continent and therefore causes one to wonder why only Africans are used to depict such.We had argued that some sections of the western media choose “to focus on the negative issues on the African continent, continuously driving and sustaining a narrative of a continent at war with itself and unable to transform its socio-economic and political challenges into positive change and sustainable development.”
What we did not stress in that analysis is the fact that when Africa’s leaders choose to change the situation for good, as Murtala Muhammed did in 1976, their efforts are either derided as lacking substance, or described as failures by the organisations mentioned even where they are succeeding. At its extreme, such icons are physically eliminated. This happened to Patrice Lumumba,Murtala Muhammed and Thomas Sankara. Lumumba was killed on January 17 1961 in Lubumbashi (Belgium formally apologised in 2002 for its role in his extra-judicial killing), Muhammed was assassinated on February 13 1976 in an abortive coup in Lagos, whileSankara was brutally assassinated on October 15 1987 in Ouagadougu, Burkina Faso.
A major development in recent time has been the sterling achievements of the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the now subterranean extra-continental efforts to undermine its leadership—a move that now refocuses attention on our analysis cited above. For those not aware, the AfDB is a multilateral development finance institution, founded in 1964 and comprising of three entities: the African Development Bank, the African Development Fund and the Nigeria Trust Fund. It is headquartered in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire and has 81 member-States.
The AfDB has been led by Akinwunmi Adesina since September 1 2015.He has wrought changes that have consistently impacted the African continent positively. He expanded the Bank’s equity to the tune of USD115 billion (from its previous USD 93 billion), launched a USD3 billion social bond in March 2020 to help African countries fight Covid-19 and a USD10 billion crisis-response facility for African nations, to mention just some. Clearly, Akinwunmi Adesina is in some ways, a modern day version of Lumumba, Muhammed and Sankara combined, and clearly falls in the league of those African leaders trying to change the negative narrative on the continent. This is not going down well with some western nations, led by the US, whose Treasury Secretary allegedly condemned the report of the AfDB’s own internal ethics committee headed by Japan, that exonerated its President of allegations of favouritism.
Gaskiya.net argues that this behaviour is consistent with its analysis that suggested a systemic policy by the west, its media and institutions to continually depict Africans as incapable of solving their own problems. Where an African is instigating tremendous change, he or she is undermined and frustrated. The only difference in the Adesina witch-hunt is that Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland are surprisingly joining in this game!
It is heart-warming that President Muhammadu Buhari and former President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, both pan-Africanists in every sense of the word, have buried their political differences to challenge the continent to stand up to the thuggish behaviour of the United States government by writing powerful letters expressing total support for the outcome of the Ethics Committee of the AfDB that exonerated Adesina (Buhari’s Finance Minister penned the letter on behalf of Nigeria).
Indeed, African leaders and those non-African members of the Bank must resist the clearly patronising effort of the US, which from all intents and purposes, seeks to castrate a successful and performing African institution and leadership. Their goal is to make African States perpetually dependent on western funding, which often comes with strings attached and are used to undermine our collective development effort as a continent. It is unfortunate that western policy towards Africa has not changed, from when they chose to frustrate the independence of Angola in 1975 and those of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. They were of course defeated in details, as they were when they tried to frustrate the emergence of majority rule in South Africa. Hopefully, this renewed neo-colonialist onslaught against the AfDB and its President will also fail.
Published May 29, 2020
“Indeed, African leaders and those non-African members of the Bank must resist the clearly patronising effort of the US, which from all intents and purposes, seeks to castrate a successful and performing African institution and leadership. Their goal is to make African States perpetually dependent on western funding, which often comes with strings attached and are used to undermine our collective development effort as a continent.”
Published on May 29 2020
On 11 January 1976 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Gen Murtala Muhammed of Nigeria, addressed his brother Heads of State at an Extraordinary Summit Meeting of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU, now African Union-AU). His speech challenged US policy in Africa’s liberation struggle, exemplified by a letter written by President Gerald Ford of the US, opposing the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-MPLA-from assuming leadership of post-colonial Angola after its Portuguese colonists had been militarily defeated by the liberation movements in that country. Specifically, Gen Muhammed submitted in a powerful exhortation that “Africa has come of Age.” That position swayed many African States into abandoning support for the US policy that had blacklisted the MPLA, whom they then gave their backing, gifting Agostinho Neto with the goodwill and diplomatic wherewithal he needed to subsequently become the first President of independent Angola. It was an unprecedented defeat for American foreign policy by the African continent.
On May 11 2020, Gaskiya.net hadpublished an analysis calling on sections of the western media as well as humanitarian and development organisations to stop using Africans as icons of misery and misfortune. This was premised on verifiable and published facts showing that these phenomena are not exclusive to the African continent and therefore causes one to wonder why only Africans are used to depict such.We had argued that some sections of the western media choose “to focus on the negative issues on the African continent, continuously driving and sustaining a narrative of a continent at war with itself and unable to transform its socio-economic and political challenges into positive change and sustainable development.”
What we did not stress in that analysis is the fact that when Africa’s leaders choose to change the situation for good, as Murtala Muhammed did in 1976, their efforts are either derided as lacking substance, or described as failures by the organisations mentioned even where they are succeeding. At its extreme, such icons are physically eliminated. This happened to Patrice Lumumba,Murtala Muhammed and Thomas Sankara. Lumumba was killed on January 17 1961 in Lubumbashi (Belgium formally apologised in 2002 for its role in his extra-judicial killing), Muhammed was assassinated on February 13 1976 in an abortive coup in Lagos, whileSankara was brutally assassinated on October 15 1987 in Ouagadougu, Burkina Faso.
A major development in recent time has been the sterling achievements of the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the now subterranean extra-continental efforts to undermine its leadership—a move that now refocuses attention on our analysis cited above. For those not aware, the AfDB is a multilateral development finance institution, founded in 1964 and comprising of three entities: the African Development Bank, the African Development Fund and the Nigeria Trust Fund. It is headquartered in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire and has 81 member-States.
The AfDB has been led by Akinwunmi Adesina since September 1 2015.He has wrought changes that have consistently impacted the African continent positively. He expanded the Bank’s equity to the tune of USD115 billion (from its previous USD 93 billion), launched a USD3 billion social bond in March 2020 to help African countries fight Covid-19 and a USD10 billion crisis-response facility for African nations, to mention just some. Clearly, Akinwunmi Adesina is in some ways, a modern day version of Lumumba, Muhammed and Sankara combined, and clearly falls in the league of those African leaders trying to change the negative narrative on the continent. This is not going down well with some western nations, led by the US, whose Treasury Secretary allegedly condemned the report of the AfDB’s own internal ethics committee headed by Japan, that exonerated its President of allegations of favouritism.
Gaskiya.net argues that this behaviour is consistent with its analysis that suggested a systemic policy by the west, its media and institutions to continually depict Africans as incapable of solving their own problems. Where an African is instigating tremendous change, he or she is undermined and frustrated. The only difference in the Adesina witch-hunt is that Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland are surprisingly joining in this game!
It is heart-warming that President Muhammadu Buhari and former President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, both pan-Africanists in every sense of the word, have buried their political differences to challenge the continent to stand up to the thuggish behaviour of the United States government by writing powerful letters expressing total support for the outcome of the Ethics Committee of the AfDB that exonerated Adesina (Buhari’s Finance Minister penned the letter on behalf of Nigeria).
Indeed, African leaders and those non-African members of the Bank must resist the clearly patronising effort of the US, which from all intents and purposes, seeks to castrate a successful and performing African institution and leadership. Their goal is to make African States perpetually dependent on western funding, which often comes with strings attached and are used to undermine our collective development effort as a continent. It is unfortunate that western policy towards Africa has not changed, from when they chose to frustrate the independence of Angola in 1975 and those of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. They were of course defeated in details, as they were when they tried to frustrate the emergence of majority rule in South Africa. Hopefully, this renewed neo-colonialist onslaught against the AfDB and its President will also fail.
NIGERIA: TIME TO RECONSIDER BORDER CLOSURE
Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari.
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Map of Africa. Picture courtesy of canr.msu.edu
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Published 18 May 2020
In August 2019, Nigeria closed her western borders with the Republic of Benin, and her northern borders with the Niger Republic. The argument of Abuja was that this action was taken due to a violation of extant regulations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which imperils Nigeria’s economy as good imported from outside the Community are presented as actually emanating from it and then dumped in Nigeria. However, many ECOWAS citizens from countries affected by the closure cry foul, while the media in Benin and Ghana in particular, have berated Nigerian authorities for causing untold hardship to millions across West Africa because of the said unexpected closure. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) were left open, suggesting that Abuja considered access to, and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy.
It is important to note that domestic food production in Nigeria has further improved following that decision, while agro-allied industries have steadily expanded, neighbours of Africa’s largest economy have not had it easy ever since. From Benin, to Togo, Ghana and up to Senegal, growth in the economy of the ECOWAS region has seemingly stagnated. Nine months into this landmark decision by the Buhari-administration, Nigeria must have weighed the impact of its policy and gleaned its successes and or failures. She would also have been able to determine if Benin and Niger Republics have complied with her expectations of not allowing their respective countries to be used as a conduit for dumping goods into Nigeria by exploiting the ECOWAS Protocol on inter-community trade.
Given the above-mentioned and the growing incidence of COVID-19, Gaskiya.net believes that Nigeria ought to reconsider its decision on the border closure and start taking steps to re-open them once the pandemic has been contained. The continued closure of the border might suggest that Nigeria herself has no creative solution to the problem(s) or is unwilling or unable to exhibit flexibility in negotiations with her neighbours (without detriment to her economy of course). Furthermore, leaving the borders permanently shut could impose greater damage to the pan- ECOWAS economy on the long run, posing a threat to Nigeria’s own economic and security interests. Indeed, it will be difficult to believe that Benin Republic has not made any concessions at all, what with the visible damage to her economy. Niger has also endured a lot of difficulties as a result of Nigeria’s action, and one could hazard a guess as to the possibility that this country could also have made some concessions.
Despite the harsh economic relations between these countries, it is particularly heartwarming that they have continued to collaborate on the security front to confront the common threats confronting them. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries in particular, has continued to work in harmony, despite several differences, to degrade Boko Haram and the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP). It is noteworthy too that Benin Republic Navy last April sought assistance from Nigeria’s navy to help thwart a piracy attack within its waters, to which Nigeria responded favourably by sending some of its Special Boat Service personnel who successfully boarded the vessel and rescued the hostages. If these countries could work well in the security domain, certainly, they can build on this momentum to revive their economic relations. Closure of Nigeria’s borders should not be a permanent solution, but a short-term approach. Now is the time to consider re-opening them.
Published 18 May 2020
In August 2019, Nigeria closed her western borders with the Republic of Benin, and her northern borders with the Niger Republic. The argument of Abuja was that this action was taken due to a violation of extant regulations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which imperils Nigeria’s economy as good imported from outside the Community are presented as actually emanating from it and then dumped in Nigeria. However, many ECOWAS citizens from countries affected by the closure cry foul, while the media in Benin and Ghana in particular, have berated Nigerian authorities for causing untold hardship to millions across West Africa because of the said unexpected closure. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) were left open, suggesting that Abuja considered access to, and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy.
It is important to note that domestic food production in Nigeria has further improved following that decision, while agro-allied industries have steadily expanded, neighbours of Africa’s largest economy have not had it easy ever since. From Benin, to Togo, Ghana and up to Senegal, growth in the economy of the ECOWAS region has seemingly stagnated. Nine months into this landmark decision by the Buhari-administration, Nigeria must have weighed the impact of its policy and gleaned its successes and or failures. She would also have been able to determine if Benin and Niger Republics have complied with her expectations of not allowing their respective countries to be used as a conduit for dumping goods into Nigeria by exploiting the ECOWAS Protocol on inter-community trade.
Given the above-mentioned and the growing incidence of COVID-19, Gaskiya.net believes that Nigeria ought to reconsider its decision on the border closure and start taking steps to re-open them once the pandemic has been contained. The continued closure of the border might suggest that Nigeria herself has no creative solution to the problem(s) or is unwilling or unable to exhibit flexibility in negotiations with her neighbours (without detriment to her economy of course). Furthermore, leaving the borders permanently shut could impose greater damage to the pan- ECOWAS economy on the long run, posing a threat to Nigeria’s own economic and security interests. Indeed, it will be difficult to believe that Benin Republic has not made any concessions at all, what with the visible damage to her economy. Niger has also endured a lot of difficulties as a result of Nigeria’s action, and one could hazard a guess as to the possibility that this country could also have made some concessions.
Despite the harsh economic relations between these countries, it is particularly heartwarming that they have continued to collaborate on the security front to confront the common threats confronting them. The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries in particular, has continued to work in harmony, despite several differences, to degrade Boko Haram and the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP). It is noteworthy too that Benin Republic Navy last April sought assistance from Nigeria’s navy to help thwart a piracy attack within its waters, to which Nigeria responded favourably by sending some of its Special Boat Service personnel who successfully boarded the vessel and rescued the hostages. If these countries could work well in the security domain, certainly, they can build on this momentum to revive their economic relations. Closure of Nigeria’s borders should not be a permanent solution, but a short-term approach. Now is the time to consider re-opening them.
STOP USING AFRICANS AS ICONS OF MISERY AND MISFORTUNE!
The Holiday Inn Accra, Ghana. Picture by Sina Adelaja-Olowoake
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A neighbourhood in East Legon, Greater Accra, Ghana. Picture by Sina Adelaja-Olowoake
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STOP USING AFRICANS AS ICONS OF MISERY AND MISFORTUNE!
Published 11 May 2020
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in its report published by the Oslo Governance Centre, says 80% of the 736 million people living in extreme poverty (i.e. those who live below USD1.90 per day) are found in both South Asia and Africa. Today, the Middle-East has the most and longest-on-going conflicts, while the several civil wars in Asia (i-e-Myanmar, Thailand and North-East, Central East and Kashmiri regions of India) go virtually unreported.By comparison, there are far less wars in Africa, while Sub-Saharan Africa has more democratic governments today than it did 26 years ago. In fact, in West Africa (under the Protocol of the Economic Community of West African States-ECOWAS), no country can run anything short of a democratic system and attempts in the past to bypass this have been resisted, including sometimes through military means (Sierra-Leone, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Togo and Guinea-Bissau, The Gambia, to mention some). In most parts of South Asia, H1N1, SARS, Chikungunya, Malaria and Dengue hit many countries in sequence every year and repeatedly. It is doubtful if such combined array of viruses or diseases assails any African country at any given point in time.
The real situations listed above are not what you find in the international media. Rather, it chooses to focus on the negative issues on the African continent, continuously driving and sustaining a narrative of a continent at war with itself and unable to transform its socio-economic and political challenges into positive change and sustainable development. It has become so bad that this media uses the images of poor African children, women and the elderly anytime they wish to illustrate stories on war, disease, famine and misery. The outbreak of COVID-19—which has ravaged ALL continents, is another case in point as gradually, only Africans are being used to highlight stories on its impact. As if this was not bad enough, many African governments and elites seem to encourage this gross misrepresentation of facts by not challenging them, perhaps, in the hope that it would sustain or increase the amount of funds being channeled into the continent to address these issues.
Another example of the decidedly anti-African reportage of this section of the media is the clear fact that the Euro-Atlantic States, though they have not defeated the Taliban in Afghanistan after more than two decades of armed conflict, are never so portrayed. In fact, the US and the Taliban have been negotiating the withdrawal of US troops from that country for the past few months. Yet, this is not reported as a loss for the US by the western media, while Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger that have made tremendous gains against Boko Haram and recaptured previously lost territory are perpetually presented as unable to defeat the insurgents and lacking any meaningful capacity to do so. Likewise, the raging wars in Asia that were mentioned above are never reported, thereby giving the impression that Africa is the only place where war and violence rages.
It is pitiable that some African reporters working for these media help to perpetuate such blatantly false narrative and stereotyping. It is also quite amusing to observe that when these reporters have to file stories from some African capitals, they choose to use the seedy parts of the city as their backdrop, neglecting to show any positive sides of Africa’s growing urban cities to the world. This indeed is the worst type of cultural slavery!
Gaskiya.net is of course not saying that there is no poverty, disease, war or hunger in some parts of Africa, but we opine that it is factually incorrect and ethically unacceptable for sections of the international media to sustain these narratives, stereotyping and biased reportage. Depicting the good things about the continent of Africa should not mean there are no problems or challenges, as there are in other continents of the developing or developed world that are nevertheless never shown. It’s high time African governments, elites and friends of Africa compelled sections of the international media to stop making Africans the icons of misery and misfortune!
Published 11 May 2020
The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in its report published by the Oslo Governance Centre, says 80% of the 736 million people living in extreme poverty (i.e. those who live below USD1.90 per day) are found in both South Asia and Africa. Today, the Middle-East has the most and longest-on-going conflicts, while the several civil wars in Asia (i-e-Myanmar, Thailand and North-East, Central East and Kashmiri regions of India) go virtually unreported.By comparison, there are far less wars in Africa, while Sub-Saharan Africa has more democratic governments today than it did 26 years ago. In fact, in West Africa (under the Protocol of the Economic Community of West African States-ECOWAS), no country can run anything short of a democratic system and attempts in the past to bypass this have been resisted, including sometimes through military means (Sierra-Leone, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Togo and Guinea-Bissau, The Gambia, to mention some). In most parts of South Asia, H1N1, SARS, Chikungunya, Malaria and Dengue hit many countries in sequence every year and repeatedly. It is doubtful if such combined array of viruses or diseases assails any African country at any given point in time.
The real situations listed above are not what you find in the international media. Rather, it chooses to focus on the negative issues on the African continent, continuously driving and sustaining a narrative of a continent at war with itself and unable to transform its socio-economic and political challenges into positive change and sustainable development. It has become so bad that this media uses the images of poor African children, women and the elderly anytime they wish to illustrate stories on war, disease, famine and misery. The outbreak of COVID-19—which has ravaged ALL continents, is another case in point as gradually, only Africans are being used to highlight stories on its impact. As if this was not bad enough, many African governments and elites seem to encourage this gross misrepresentation of facts by not challenging them, perhaps, in the hope that it would sustain or increase the amount of funds being channeled into the continent to address these issues.
Another example of the decidedly anti-African reportage of this section of the media is the clear fact that the Euro-Atlantic States, though they have not defeated the Taliban in Afghanistan after more than two decades of armed conflict, are never so portrayed. In fact, the US and the Taliban have been negotiating the withdrawal of US troops from that country for the past few months. Yet, this is not reported as a loss for the US by the western media, while Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger that have made tremendous gains against Boko Haram and recaptured previously lost territory are perpetually presented as unable to defeat the insurgents and lacking any meaningful capacity to do so. Likewise, the raging wars in Asia that were mentioned above are never reported, thereby giving the impression that Africa is the only place where war and violence rages.
It is pitiable that some African reporters working for these media help to perpetuate such blatantly false narrative and stereotyping. It is also quite amusing to observe that when these reporters have to file stories from some African capitals, they choose to use the seedy parts of the city as their backdrop, neglecting to show any positive sides of Africa’s growing urban cities to the world. This indeed is the worst type of cultural slavery!
Gaskiya.net is of course not saying that there is no poverty, disease, war or hunger in some parts of Africa, but we opine that it is factually incorrect and ethically unacceptable for sections of the international media to sustain these narratives, stereotyping and biased reportage. Depicting the good things about the continent of Africa should not mean there are no problems or challenges, as there are in other continents of the developing or developed world that are nevertheless never shown. It’s high time African governments, elites and friends of Africa compelled sections of the international media to stop making Africans the icons of misery and misfortune!
COVID-19: THE OTHER SIDE OF AFRICA THE WORLD REFUSES TO SEE
Nigerian Air Force loading oxygen produced in its Liquid Oxygen
Plant for distribution to COVID-19 Isolation Centres
across the country. Photo Credit ©NAF/2020
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Face mask production at Kitui Textile Centres, Kenya. (Philip Muasya), Standard 2020
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It is no longer news that the Corona Virus (COVID-19) broke out in Hubei Province, China, last November and took an enormous toll on human life, adversely affecting the economic situation of that country. It is also not contested anymore that the Euro-Atlantic States appeared not to have given serious attention to the profile of the virus and its spread, refusing to both learn and prepare for its impact on their own countries despite warnings from the World Health Organisation (WHO).
Europe became the next stop of the virus, as it made ‘landfall’ in Italy and Spain, in that order, devastating these countries and taking such a toll on human life that shocked the entire world to its marrow. The more detached countries of North America—the United States and Mexico and the South American country of Brazil acted like Europe and began seeing the unfortunate harrowing trajectory of the virus. The United Kingdom, an island off the rest of Europe, seemingly toyed with it as well and we now know the consequences of that.
While devastations raged, many experts predicted that the next target of the virus will be Africa, and rightfully so, if we follow the trajectory plotted above. How then has Africa responded? Not different from how Europe and the US did, rather unfortunately. Those experts further predicted that with its weak public health systems, Africa will be a “sitting duck” for the virus. What they did not add was that with the low level of enlightenment on the continent, citizen cooperation and participation in containment measures would be less enthusiastic in the least, and absolutely lacking at the worst, fueling fears of a doomsday scenario.
Indeed, COVID-19 has now made landfall in Africa and is already creating havoc. However, Gaskiya.net opines that it may not have the disastrous effect that has been predicted if African countries re-organised themselves. This will particularly require a change of mindset, even by the elites. To illustrate what we mean, let us revisit the participation ofan official of Nigeria’s Medical Association (NMA), on a programme on one of the major global news channels. He was part of a panelthat analysed the likely impact of the virus and while it was informative that he told the world what his country lacked in efforts to contain the virus, he kept his focus on that and on a repeated appeal for external help.
Paradoxically, it is on record that in the same Nigeria, digital mechanical ventilators were being produced (by its Defence Industries Corporation and some of its Polytechnics—something never done before the COVID-19 outbreak), while its Air Force was already producing oxygen incommercial quantity (from its own Liquid Oxygen Plant that makes the product for use by its fighter pilots while on missions) and distributing them to hospitals across the country in the frontline of COVID-19 response. Yet this NMA official failed to use the opportunity he had to tell the world about these laudable efforts. Kenya, another African country, saw great innovation as enterprising young people started mass producing face masks to augment the scarcity being experienced in that country.
These are just two examples of the numerous approaches being taken, either by African Governments, research institutes or even the private sector, to respond to COVID-19 and attempt to limit its impact on Africa. However, if the African elite do not change their mindset of always begging for help or appealing for funds from Western or Asian nations, the average African is going to continue reveling in the belief that he or she is in one of the worst places on earth, a debatable narrative that is nevertheless repeatedly promoted by some global media.
COVID-19 could be both merciless and brutal in its impact, but it is also compelling Africans to show their creative ingenuity, while the millions of dollars freely donated by several African business persons and charities for example, is a testimony to the virility of Africa’s cultural heritage of being one’s brother’s keeper in times of distress. While not rejecting help from true friends from abroad, African governments and indeed the African elite should seize this moment to strengthen innovation and creativity across their countries and eschew the tendency to always suggest that the continent is functionally inept and perpetually aid dependent. They must promote the other, positive side of Africa that COVID-19 has brought about.
Lai Mohammed on European criminality, Africa’s GDP and Stolen Artefacts
Picture courtesy of The Guardian
“Gaskiya.net argues the thesis that should African countries include this category of goods and services in their GDP (as they rightly should), and go ahead to aggregate the value of the artefacts that they hold across their various Museums (including those stolen from them and kept abroad) as part of their non-financial assets, there will hardly be an African country that will be poor by today’s standards. This is because virtually all of these States have tremendous treasures of these works whose value continues to appreciate!”
Recently, Lai Mohammed, Nigeria’s Minister of Information and Culture, addressed a press conference in Abuja at which he called for the return of all artefacts stolen from Nigeria mainly by the European countries (at the onset of, during, and after colonialism). The Nigerian Vanguard newspaper reported that the Minister issued a warning to every museum and person holding on to Nigeria’s heritage resources anywhere in the world to initiate dialogue with her on the basis of the conditions the Minister announced. They are to identify what is in their collections, transparently make them public, approach Nigeria for discussion on terms of return and restitution and acknowledge that ownership resides in Nigeria." It will be a turning point indeed in Africa-European relations if Nigeria went ahead to pursue the return of these stolen treasures, many of which reside in European Museums and are valued in the millions of dollars.
Indeed, the value of Africa’s creative industry is enormous and is typified by the fact that Nigeria largely overtook South Africa as the biggest economy on the continent because of the worth of its music and movie industry.The value of these art works brings up the question as to why they are never included in the calculation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of African countries. If the Benin and Ife Bronze Heads, or the Nok Terracotta are estimated today in millions of dollars, and if, without doubt, they were made in Nigeria, how come they are not part of the GDP of the country? After all, if the GDP of a country “is a monetary measure of the market value of all the final goods and services produced in a specific time period, often annually,” how come the value of artworks (and artefacts made in the days of yore) created/produced in various African countries are not included?
Gaskiya.net argues the thesis that should African countries include this category of goods and services in their GDP (as they rightly should), and go ahead to aggregate the value of the artefacts that they hold across their various Museums (including those stolen from them and kept abroad) as part of their non-financial assets, there will hardly be an African country that will be poor by today’s standards. This is because virtually all of these States have tremendous treasures of these works whose value continues to appreciate! Lai Mohammed has bitten the bullet. Nigeria is challenging the conscience of the Western world whose leaders have consistently turned a blind eye to brazen theft perpetrated by their officers and citizens, while criminalising other nations, largely in the south, for the same offences they are guilty of. African economists and Central Bankers must also wean themselves off western classification indices, some of which are designed to keep our continent down, and come up with incontrovertible alternatives where appropriate, in order to re base our economies realistically.
“Gaskiya.net argues the thesis that should African countries include this category of goods and services in their GDP (as they rightly should), and go ahead to aggregate the value of the artefacts that they hold across their various Museums (including those stolen from them and kept abroad) as part of their non-financial assets, there will hardly be an African country that will be poor by today’s standards. This is because virtually all of these States have tremendous treasures of these works whose value continues to appreciate!”
Recently, Lai Mohammed, Nigeria’s Minister of Information and Culture, addressed a press conference in Abuja at which he called for the return of all artefacts stolen from Nigeria mainly by the European countries (at the onset of, during, and after colonialism). The Nigerian Vanguard newspaper reported that the Minister issued a warning to every museum and person holding on to Nigeria’s heritage resources anywhere in the world to initiate dialogue with her on the basis of the conditions the Minister announced. They are to identify what is in their collections, transparently make them public, approach Nigeria for discussion on terms of return and restitution and acknowledge that ownership resides in Nigeria." It will be a turning point indeed in Africa-European relations if Nigeria went ahead to pursue the return of these stolen treasures, many of which reside in European Museums and are valued in the millions of dollars.
Indeed, the value of Africa’s creative industry is enormous and is typified by the fact that Nigeria largely overtook South Africa as the biggest economy on the continent because of the worth of its music and movie industry.The value of these art works brings up the question as to why they are never included in the calculation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of African countries. If the Benin and Ife Bronze Heads, or the Nok Terracotta are estimated today in millions of dollars, and if, without doubt, they were made in Nigeria, how come they are not part of the GDP of the country? After all, if the GDP of a country “is a monetary measure of the market value of all the final goods and services produced in a specific time period, often annually,” how come the value of artworks (and artefacts made in the days of yore) created/produced in various African countries are not included?
Gaskiya.net argues the thesis that should African countries include this category of goods and services in their GDP (as they rightly should), and go ahead to aggregate the value of the artefacts that they hold across their various Museums (including those stolen from them and kept abroad) as part of their non-financial assets, there will hardly be an African country that will be poor by today’s standards. This is because virtually all of these States have tremendous treasures of these works whose value continues to appreciate! Lai Mohammed has bitten the bullet. Nigeria is challenging the conscience of the Western world whose leaders have consistently turned a blind eye to brazen theft perpetrated by their officers and citizens, while criminalising other nations, largely in the south, for the same offences they are guilty of. African economists and Central Bankers must also wean themselves off western classification indices, some of which are designed to keep our continent down, and come up with incontrovertible alternatives where appropriate, in order to re base our economies realistically.
Nigeria’s closed borders and David O’s private jet!
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Pictures courtesy of Pulse.ng
“What has not been added to the numerous discourses on the subject is the fact that Nigeria only closed her land borders with two, out of a possible four neighbouring States. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) are open, and this suggests that Abuja considers access to and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy. Some experts suggest that should Nigeria close her borders with Cameroon in particular, it might lead to the collapse of the regime of Paul Biya who is struggling with many internal dissentions at this time…”
A lot has been written and said about the closure of Nigeria’s borders with Benin Republic—her neighbour to the west, and Niger Republic, her neighbour to the north. (Some entertainment buffs also worry that Nigeria’s music giants will not be able to tour as previously planned). The authorities in Abuja affirm that the borders were shut due to a violation of extant regulations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which imperils Nigeria’s economy as good imported from outside the Community are presented as actually emanating from it and then dumped in Nigeria. However, many ECOWAS citizens from countries affected by the closure cry foul, while the media in Benin and Ghana in particular, have berated Nigerian authorities for causing untold hardship to millions across West Africa as a result of the said unexpected closure.
What has not been added to the numerous discourses on the subject is the fact that Nigeria only closed her land borders with two, out of a possible four neighbouring States. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) are open, and this suggests that Abuja considers access to and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy.Some experts suggest that should Nigeria close her borders with Cameroon in particular, it might lead to the collapse of the regime of Paul Biya, who is struggling with many internal dissentions at this time and whose economy significantly relies not only on Nigeria’s, but is also the gateway for other Central African countries who daily access Nigeria’s market for their survival. Thus, Nigeria is actually not just a West African giant (as she is wont to be referred to), but the source of health for both West and Central Africa.
The second most important point overlooked is that intra-African trade is pretty much higher than is often acknowledged. If it was true that African countries only traded significantly with their former colonial rulers and with Asia, the closure of Nigeria’s borders would not have threatened the entire West African sub-region as it has done. The ECOWAS Secretariat needs to do a re-think of its statistics and trade data in view of this interesting reality. As talks continue on the conditions given by Nigeria before she would re-consider opening her borders, those quite worried that already booked engagements for Nigeria’s A-list entertainers (who now rule the African entertainment industry) might not be honoured due to the said border closure should chill…airports and seaports are open, so David O and other top/flight entertainers will keep flying…and honour their commitments!
“What has not been added to the numerous discourses on the subject is the fact that Nigeria only closed her land borders with two, out of a possible four neighbouring States. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) are open, and this suggests that Abuja considers access to and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy. Some experts suggest that should Nigeria close her borders with Cameroon in particular, it might lead to the collapse of the regime of Paul Biya who is struggling with many internal dissentions at this time…”
A lot has been written and said about the closure of Nigeria’s borders with Benin Republic—her neighbour to the west, and Niger Republic, her neighbour to the north. (Some entertainment buffs also worry that Nigeria’s music giants will not be able to tour as previously planned). The authorities in Abuja affirm that the borders were shut due to a violation of extant regulations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which imperils Nigeria’s economy as good imported from outside the Community are presented as actually emanating from it and then dumped in Nigeria. However, many ECOWAS citizens from countries affected by the closure cry foul, while the media in Benin and Ghana in particular, have berated Nigerian authorities for causing untold hardship to millions across West Africa as a result of the said unexpected closure.
What has not been added to the numerous discourses on the subject is the fact that Nigeria only closed her land borders with two, out of a possible four neighbouring States. Her land borders with Chad and Cameroon (to the north-east and south-east) are open, and this suggests that Abuja considers access to and from these two as not constituting any threat to her economy.Some experts suggest that should Nigeria close her borders with Cameroon in particular, it might lead to the collapse of the regime of Paul Biya, who is struggling with many internal dissentions at this time and whose economy significantly relies not only on Nigeria’s, but is also the gateway for other Central African countries who daily access Nigeria’s market for their survival. Thus, Nigeria is actually not just a West African giant (as she is wont to be referred to), but the source of health for both West and Central Africa.
The second most important point overlooked is that intra-African trade is pretty much higher than is often acknowledged. If it was true that African countries only traded significantly with their former colonial rulers and with Asia, the closure of Nigeria’s borders would not have threatened the entire West African sub-region as it has done. The ECOWAS Secretariat needs to do a re-think of its statistics and trade data in view of this interesting reality. As talks continue on the conditions given by Nigeria before she would re-consider opening her borders, those quite worried that already booked engagements for Nigeria’s A-list entertainers (who now rule the African entertainment industry) might not be honoured due to the said border closure should chill…airports and seaports are open, so David O and other top/flight entertainers will keep flying…and honour their commitments!
Weekend Extravaganza.
Ugandan Musician and Politician Bobi Wine meets Jamaican Prime Minister.
Ugandan Musician and Politician Bobi Wine meets Jamaican Prime Minister.
Culled from PML Daily.
By SYDONA NAZZE | PML Daily Correspondent
KINGSTON, JAMAICA – Ugandan musician also Member of Parliament Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aka Bobi Wine in a company of his wife Babra Itungo aka Barbie Kyagulanyi on Thursday afternoon, held talks with the leader of Jamaica, the Most Honorable Prime Minister Andrew Michael Holness.
According to a statement on his social media, Bobi Wine says the duo discussed the role of music and the arts in a nation’s development.
“I commended him, as well as the previous governments of Jamaica for recognising the role of music in raising the consciousness of a people, as opposed to persecuting arts and artistes,” Bobi Wine says.
Bobi Wine who arrived in Jamaica where he also performed at different music concerts appreciated his hots country for recognising the potential of young people and putting them at the helm of their country’s development agenda- seeing that he is also the youngest Prime Minister in Jamaica’s history.
“I thanked him for coming to watch us perform at the #Rebel_Salute concert along with the Prime Minister of Barbados and the leader of Opposition in Jamaica,” Bobi Wine wrote adding that Juxtaposing it with Uganda, it was refreshing to see him sit through several performances and even listen to songs which were critical of his government.”
On his part, Prime Minister Andrew Michael Holness explained that he considers music to be a mirror through which society must view itself and that to him, music communicates much more than politics.
He added that the concert was an opportunity for him to listen and understand what his people are saying about how they are being governed and how things might be made better.
Bobi Wine says that he explained to prime minister how “we aspire to build that kind of leadership in our own country.”
Bobi Wine who is set return home lauded Tony Rebel for inviting him for his show.
“I also appreciate other fellow artistes in Jamaica and other countries with whom I shared the stage, and those I have met on the side lines and drawn encouragement from.
“Thank you, the great people of Jamaica for such a warm reception.
“As the younger generation of African leaders, we must find a way of connecting our continent more to our brothers and sisters over here.
By SYDONA NAZZE | PML Daily Correspondent
KINGSTON, JAMAICA – Ugandan musician also Member of Parliament Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aka Bobi Wine in a company of his wife Babra Itungo aka Barbie Kyagulanyi on Thursday afternoon, held talks with the leader of Jamaica, the Most Honorable Prime Minister Andrew Michael Holness.
According to a statement on his social media, Bobi Wine says the duo discussed the role of music and the arts in a nation’s development.
“I commended him, as well as the previous governments of Jamaica for recognising the role of music in raising the consciousness of a people, as opposed to persecuting arts and artistes,” Bobi Wine says.
Bobi Wine who arrived in Jamaica where he also performed at different music concerts appreciated his hots country for recognising the potential of young people and putting them at the helm of their country’s development agenda- seeing that he is also the youngest Prime Minister in Jamaica’s history.
“I thanked him for coming to watch us perform at the #Rebel_Salute concert along with the Prime Minister of Barbados and the leader of Opposition in Jamaica,” Bobi Wine wrote adding that Juxtaposing it with Uganda, it was refreshing to see him sit through several performances and even listen to songs which were critical of his government.”
On his part, Prime Minister Andrew Michael Holness explained that he considers music to be a mirror through which society must view itself and that to him, music communicates much more than politics.
He added that the concert was an opportunity for him to listen and understand what his people are saying about how they are being governed and how things might be made better.
Bobi Wine says that he explained to prime minister how “we aspire to build that kind of leadership in our own country.”
Bobi Wine who is set return home lauded Tony Rebel for inviting him for his show.
“I also appreciate other fellow artistes in Jamaica and other countries with whom I shared the stage, and those I have met on the side lines and drawn encouragement from.
“Thank you, the great people of Jamaica for such a warm reception.
“As the younger generation of African leaders, we must find a way of connecting our continent more to our brothers and sisters over here.
A Review of the World in 2018
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The dramatic rescue of the Wild Boars Soccer team (that had gotten lost in a flooded cavern) in Thailand mid-year, demonstrated what the world could achieve if all prejudices are set apart and global efforts pulled together for a just and noble cause. Despite the huge risks, anxiety and fear, all 12 boys and their coach were rescued by Thai experts with the expertise of many others from various parts of the globe, as the world watched and waited with baited breath on cable satellite news networks to see the boys being pulled out one at a time or in batches of twos.
The brutal killing of Saudi Journalist Jamal Khashoggi allegedly in the Saudi Embassy in Istanbul and by Saudi agents dominated the news for a spell. Its long-drawn impact included an induced ceasefire in the Yemeni Port of Hodeida and the resumption of providing badly-needed humanitarian relief items in that war-ravaged country.
Two years ago, in 2016, Gaskiya.net had chronicled the capture of Camp Zairo in the Sambisa National Park. As you will recall, that was the headquarters of Boko Haram and its capture and dominance of the 60,000sq kilometre Sambisa National Park by the Nigerian Armed Forces was a significant watershed in the fight against terrorists by the Nigerian authorities. In the last few months of 2018, Boko Haram had made some enterprising effort to be relevant, resulting in the death of some Nigerian soldiers. It became a wake-up call for the Nigerian government and caused a reflection in the security strategy against the insurgents, especially as this concerns the Multinational Joint Task Force comprising Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria.
Nigeria can still do more to improve internal security and the Nigeria Police Force generally and the Department of State Services (DSS) in particular need to improve and not rely on the military to continue carrying out policing and domestic intelligence duties. This is particularly important as Nigeria will hold Presidential and other elections in February 2019. While the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) appear to have re-invented itself and has put forward its own candidates for next year’s elections as well—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and former Governor Peter Obi being the flagbearers of the party, while many other parties have entered the fray. Notable amongst the candidates chosen this year to contest against incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari of the APC is Dr. (Mrs.) Oby Ezekwesili, an internationally respected technocrat and activist.
The United Republic of Cameroon did not appear that much united for most of 2018 as the separatists of the region they choose to call Ambazonia—loosely referring to areas mostly covering the South West Province up to some areas in the north west—carried out several attacks and kidnappings which attracted the attention of the international community to developments in the country. Cameroon however did manage to hold its Presidential election which was again won by President Paul Biya, amidst criticisms from the opposition that the polls were rigged. How will Cameroon fare in 2019 with the Ambazonian crisis and Boko Haram attacks plaguing the country simultaneously? A major fallout already is the withdrawal, by the Confederation of African Football (CAF), of the hosting rights for the 2019 African Cup of Nations previously awarded to Cameroon. Quite saddening, given the huge investment of Cameroon in infrastructure meant for hosting the tournament.
President Jacob Zuma was booted out of office as our analysts predicted this time last year, to make way for the much respected Cyril Ramaphosa. South Africa seems to have been on an uphill swing since then, but the forthcoming elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo are not so comforting, as the electronic voting devices imported for the polls were burnt by yet unknown forces, with serious implications for the elections in Congo.
The biggest news by mid-2018 was the much heralded summit meeting between President Donald Trump and the Supreme Leader Kim Jun Un of North Korea, which took place in Singapore in June. At the end of the much hyped meeting, not a few experts came away with the conclusion that it was nothing more than a photo opportunity for both leaders. Others suggested though that it did contribute to lowering tensions on the Korean Peninsula, especially given President especially given President Trump’s declaration that the US would stop “provocative” military drills on the Korean Peninsula.
Important elections worth looking out for in 2019 are as follows:
Afghanistan Presidential Elections
Algerian Presidential Elections
Democratic Republic of Congo Presidential Elections
Guinea-Bissau Presidential Elections
Indian General Elections
Israeli Parliamentary Elections
Malawi General Elections
Mauritania Presidential Elections
Namibian General Elections
Nigerian General Elections
Philippines General Elections
Romanian Presidential Elections
Senegalese Presidential Elections
Tunisian Presidential Elections
The war against Boko Haram—Nigerian Air Force as the game changer
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Part 1
By Gaskiya.net Defence Consultant
Despite what—with the benefit of hindsight—has turned out to be ill-advised attempts by the Boko Haram group to overrun a forward operating base of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) of the Lake Chad countries in Melete, Nigeria, in which some Nigerian officers and troops were killed defending their location, the status quo ante has remained firmly in favour of Nigerian and regional forces. Nigeria has not lost any territory and has continued to dominate both air and land theatres. In a two-part analysis, Gaskiya.net examines the reasons for the success gained to date by Nigeria’s counter-insurgency operations and underscores the critical role the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) is playing in the success equation.
The way Nigeria had elected to confront the threat posed by “Group of the People of Sunnah for Preaching and Jihad,” commonly referred to as “Boko Haram” when the insurgency gained ground and notoriety was to deploy conventional methods of warfare against the adversary. As was known by many at the time, Boko Haram was not fighting in a conventional way, but hitting soft targets, abducting young boys, women and young girls and stealing food and livestock. The Nigerian military would later find out that its preferred response was a wrong approach.
The Boko Haram group would itself later change its strategy from a purely asymmetric warfare to fighting conventionally and capturing and holding territory. By that time, Nigerian authorities had revised their strategy, the arrowhead of which was the wholesale deployment of Special Forces. Doing so required increasing not just the number, but the proficiency of these forces. Special recruitment took place, with Nigeria training those enlisted at home, as well as sending some abroad. While Special Forces were being trained in huge numbers, Nigeria also simultaneously began re-fitting its armoured divisions.
The Nigerian Army has one of the most highly mechanised forces in Africa and prior to the Boko Haram insurgency, it had five divisions—the 1st Mechanised Division, 2nd Mechanised Division, 3rd Armoured Division, 82 Composite Division and the 81 Division. All these divisions, under the command of two-star Generals, deliver fighting men and women into battle in armoured infantry fighting vehicles. However, the initial phase of the insurgency (in which Boko Haram basically initiated and sustained asymmetric warfare), made an all-out mechanised assault ineffective.
However, with the change of strategy by the insurgents, when they began capturing and holding territory, the military created two more divisions—the 7th Division headquartered in the north-east, epicentre of the Boko Haram insurgency, and the 6th Division, carved out of elements of the existing 82 Composite Division, and located in the oil rich Port Harcourt in the south.
That done, the Army proceeded to acquiring more advanced main battle tanks, particularly the T-72 variety which would turn out to be the queen of battle in the successful recapture of all territories previously captured and held by Boko Haram. The acquisition of heavy armour and several units of self-propelled artillery constituted the backbone of the asymmetric counter-offensives launched across multiple fronts by the newly trained Special Forces. This, while not exactly detailing the entire story relating to the success of her land forces, gives a snapshot of how Nigeria re-invented herself to attain the success she has notched up today.
The success of the Nigerian Army on the ground was not as sweet as the above analysis presented it. In fact, they suffered casualties, lost equipment and were often bogged down in difficult terrain spanning at least 60,000square kilometres. They needed help, which, in accordance with the motto of the Army (which is: Victory is from God Alone) did come from above but through the instrumentality of a sister service—the Nigerian Air Force.
End of Part 1. ©Gaskiya.net
Part 2
By Gaskiya.net Defence Consultant
The tenacious hold on territory and the incessant and deadly raids by Boko Haram on both military and soft targets became a big worry for the Nigerian government and military authorities. The vast area that constituted the theatre of operations was also a big headache, particularly because of its difficult terrain and its being adjacent to three countries—Cameroon, Chad and Niger—with no border demarcation between them and Nigeria. Indeed, the entire north-eastern belt of Nigeria on the border with Cameroon is mountainous and was the preferred location of the insurgents as the topography gave them protection.
Thus the initial deployment of air power by Nigeria in support of surface forces did not turn the tide, though it was quite effective when it arrived on time and in the right location. The success of that deployment forced Bok Haram to switch to fighting at night, since the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) did not have night fighting capability at the time. Efforts made by the previous Nigerian administration to provide the right equipment for the NAF would later be enmeshed in widely reported grand corruption scandals allegedly involving some senior officers of the Air Force (and is now the subject of litigation against the said officials).
The last three years however, saw a complete change in strategy, tactics and of course, in the platforms, equipment and devices acquired and employed by Nigeria’s new crop of Air Force Generals, led by Saddique Abubakar, the Chief of the Air Staff. It involved an articulate assessment of the threat perception, the capacity and capability of both the insurgents and the Nigerian Armed Forces, including the NAF in particular, and the additional burden of prosecuting a war against an adversary that was highly mobile and operating in and across three neighbouring States.
The NAF generals also acknowledged the limitation of the fleet of aircraft in their inventory—no third or fourth generation aircraft, no night fighting capability and lack of pilots sufficient enough to drive the type of campaign they were planning to devise. They thus set about developing a strategy that would factor all of these challenges and yet deliver a successful response. That strategy was anchored on a quadrilateral mix of rapid manpower development of pilots and special forces/exposure to modern fighting techniques; perfecting the use of existing platforms, especially light attack combat aircraft and night-capable gunships; deployment of Intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance platforms to carry out such multiple functions as intelligence gathering, battle damage assessment and command and control, and the deployment of unmanned systems, largely armed and intelligence gathering drones.
In three years, NAF has recruited, trained and deployed up to brigade-sized Special Forces, while it has, over the same period, graduated and trained about 100 new pilots. Several aircraft engineers, aerospace engineers, drone pilots, technicians, etc. have also been trained and the impact of these personnel have been decisive in turning the tide of the insurgency against Boko Haram.
With the support of the current administration, the service has also acquired and successfully deployed—usually within a very short time—new platforms like the Mi-35P gunships with night-fighting capability, while converting /arming some of its trainer aircraft like the L-39 Albatross for light attack roles. The F7-Ni supersonic aircraft—a Nigerian hybrid of China’s original F7 fighter aircraft (built for Nigeria in China but with Western avionics), is used for quick strikes, while the old reliable Alpha Jets, that notched up impressive results against rebel forces in Liberia and Sierra-Leone in the 1990s are used for standard attack functions. In terrains where intelligence on the anti-aircraft capability of the adversary in uncertain, NAF deploys its drones, either for intelligence gathering or to strike the enemy. Here, the Chinese-built CH-3 (and possibly the upgraded CH-4 model) has been reportedly used, while drones built domestically by a fledgling NAF aerospace unit, including the Tsaigumi-class, are now operational.
Indeed, the strategy of NAF’s Generals is encapsulated in the features of a typical NAF sortie: an ISR platform (acquiring intel and guiding), an F7-Ni, an Alpha Jet, an Mi-35p to exact locations to take out a host of targets; providing accuracy (ISR), speed (F7-Ni), effective ground attack (Alpha Jet and L-39), effective mop up / sustained artillery from the air (Mi-35P) and unambiguous battle damage assessment (again ISR).
This approach not only decimates the enemy, but gives land forces greater flexibility and confidence to advance into uncharted terrain and the dominance of the airspace of not just Nigeria but that of neighbouring States (in support of the Multinational Joint Task Force operations of the Lake Chad countries) by NAF has become comprehensive and effective due to this approach. Given the interest of the international community in the theatre, it may soon constitute the basis of a more detailed study on the application of airpower in counter-insurgency operations anywhere on the planet and reveal if, by this strategic-tactical mesh, Nigerian Air Force Generals have contributed something new to our understanding of the use of air power. What is not in doubt is that it has become the game changer in the response of Lake Chad countries in general and Nigeria in particular to the threat earlier posed by Boko Haram and its successor bodies.
Concluded. ©Gaskiya.net
By Gaskiya.net Defence Consultant
The tenacious hold on territory and the incessant and deadly raids by Boko Haram on both military and soft targets became a big worry for the Nigerian government and military authorities. The vast area that constituted the theatre of operations was also a big headache, particularly because of its difficult terrain and its being adjacent to three countries—Cameroon, Chad and Niger—with no border demarcation between them and Nigeria. Indeed, the entire north-eastern belt of Nigeria on the border with Cameroon is mountainous and was the preferred location of the insurgents as the topography gave them protection.
Thus the initial deployment of air power by Nigeria in support of surface forces did not turn the tide, though it was quite effective when it arrived on time and in the right location. The success of that deployment forced Bok Haram to switch to fighting at night, since the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) did not have night fighting capability at the time. Efforts made by the previous Nigerian administration to provide the right equipment for the NAF would later be enmeshed in widely reported grand corruption scandals allegedly involving some senior officers of the Air Force (and is now the subject of litigation against the said officials).
The last three years however, saw a complete change in strategy, tactics and of course, in the platforms, equipment and devices acquired and employed by Nigeria’s new crop of Air Force Generals, led by Saddique Abubakar, the Chief of the Air Staff. It involved an articulate assessment of the threat perception, the capacity and capability of both the insurgents and the Nigerian Armed Forces, including the NAF in particular, and the additional burden of prosecuting a war against an adversary that was highly mobile and operating in and across three neighbouring States.
The NAF generals also acknowledged the limitation of the fleet of aircraft in their inventory—no third or fourth generation aircraft, no night fighting capability and lack of pilots sufficient enough to drive the type of campaign they were planning to devise. They thus set about developing a strategy that would factor all of these challenges and yet deliver a successful response. That strategy was anchored on a quadrilateral mix of rapid manpower development of pilots and special forces/exposure to modern fighting techniques; perfecting the use of existing platforms, especially light attack combat aircraft and night-capable gunships; deployment of Intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance platforms to carry out such multiple functions as intelligence gathering, battle damage assessment and command and control, and the deployment of unmanned systems, largely armed and intelligence gathering drones.
In three years, NAF has recruited, trained and deployed up to brigade-sized Special Forces, while it has, over the same period, graduated and trained about 100 new pilots. Several aircraft engineers, aerospace engineers, drone pilots, technicians, etc. have also been trained and the impact of these personnel have been decisive in turning the tide of the insurgency against Boko Haram.
With the support of the current administration, the service has also acquired and successfully deployed—usually within a very short time—new platforms like the Mi-35P gunships with night-fighting capability, while converting /arming some of its trainer aircraft like the L-39 Albatross for light attack roles. The F7-Ni supersonic aircraft—a Nigerian hybrid of China’s original F7 fighter aircraft (built for Nigeria in China but with Western avionics), is used for quick strikes, while the old reliable Alpha Jets, that notched up impressive results against rebel forces in Liberia and Sierra-Leone in the 1990s are used for standard attack functions. In terrains where intelligence on the anti-aircraft capability of the adversary in uncertain, NAF deploys its drones, either for intelligence gathering or to strike the enemy. Here, the Chinese-built CH-3 (and possibly the upgraded CH-4 model) has been reportedly used, while drones built domestically by a fledgling NAF aerospace unit, including the Tsaigumi-class, are now operational.
Indeed, the strategy of NAF’s Generals is encapsulated in the features of a typical NAF sortie: an ISR platform (acquiring intel and guiding), an F7-Ni, an Alpha Jet, an Mi-35p to exact locations to take out a host of targets; providing accuracy (ISR), speed (F7-Ni), effective ground attack (Alpha Jet and L-39), effective mop up / sustained artillery from the air (Mi-35P) and unambiguous battle damage assessment (again ISR).
This approach not only decimates the enemy, but gives land forces greater flexibility and confidence to advance into uncharted terrain and the dominance of the airspace of not just Nigeria but that of neighbouring States (in support of the Multinational Joint Task Force operations of the Lake Chad countries) by NAF has become comprehensive and effective due to this approach. Given the interest of the international community in the theatre, it may soon constitute the basis of a more detailed study on the application of airpower in counter-insurgency operations anywhere on the planet and reveal if, by this strategic-tactical mesh, Nigerian Air Force Generals have contributed something new to our understanding of the use of air power. What is not in doubt is that it has become the game changer in the response of Lake Chad countries in general and Nigeria in particular to the threat earlier posed by Boko Haram and its successor bodies.
Concluded. ©Gaskiya.net
Can Cameroon survive two civil wars?
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Part 1.
The United Republic of Cameroon seems everything but united at this very moment. If you’re conversant with what is going on in this part of the world, you would notice that this supposedly bilingual Central African country has been enmeshed in a civil war initiated by some elements in the Anglophone south-western part of the country, while the Boko Haram group has also ramped up its armed violence against the country in its north-western region.
For any government, this would be a very difficult situation to contain. That has not been helped by the fact that political opposition in the country is united against the continuation of the government of President Paul Barthélemy Biya'a bi Mvondo, who has been in power for 36 years, having assumed office on November 6, 1982. They feel that his rule has deeply polarised the country and could be justified in this by Cameroon’s descent into civil war.
The current Cameroonian structure was a product of armed conflict. A former German colony known as Kamerun, the British, using Nigerian soldiers, liberated the western part of the country from Germans during the 2nd World War and promptly annexed those parts to Nigeria, all the way to what is known in Cameroon today as South West Province (Littoral). Those areas in present day Nigeria include the entire north-eastern Nigeria, comprising the States of Borno, Yobe, Bauchi and Adamawa. The French liberated the other parts of the country and went ahead to establish their own colonial dominance over those regions, including the capital Yaounde and the port city of Douala, the nation’s commercial capital.
With the justified protest of first Cameroonian President, Ahmadu Ahidjo, that half his country had been illegally annexed to Nigeria by the British, the United Nations would conduct a plebiscite in 1961 for those people in Nigeria to decide if they wanted to remain in Nigeria or re-join Cameroon. The latter promised to respect the use of the English language in order for these areas to rejoin them. Only what is known as South West Province in today’s Cameroon voted to exit Nigeria and it is that region that has now taken up arms against the regime of President Biya on grounds that his administration did not respect those terms that were offered by the Late President Ahidjo, who, with the benefit of hindsight, did try to fulfil the promise he made.
This on-going insurrection has become a significant military engagement against the State, with most parts of the South-West Province of Cameroon in lockdown, especially as the last elections approached. Expectedly, those elections returned President Biya to power and not a few observers today wonder if his continued stay in office will not worsen the security situation and eventually lead to the end of Cameroon as we know it.
Part 2.
Nigeria, Cameroon’s big neighbour to the west has largely supported the regime of President Biya and the territorial integrity of Cameroon, since President Ahidjo also respected the territorial integrity of Nigeria during her own civil war against the defunct Biafra. Had Cameroon supported Biafra, her geographical proximity to the ill-fated rebel Republic might have turned that conflict the other way. However, should power change hands in Nigeria in 2019, and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar wins the Presidential election in Nigeria, Nigeria’s position might change, given the fact that Atiku, who is from Adamawa State, has kith and kin in Cameroon and may not personally enjoy seeing the current suffering of his people continue.
The Boko Haram scourge is also a significant threat to the territorial integrity of Cameroon. Some experts posit that the violence unleashed by Boko Haram at the onset actually started from Cameroon, as the insurgents often used the mountainous border with Nigeria as a staging post for raids into Nigeria. Cameroon reportedly looked the other way, but with the resolute military response from Nigeria, especially under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, and the cooperation of Chad and Niger, remnants of those Boko Haram fighters kicked out of these three countries seemed to have escaped into Cameroon. While Cameroon would later come on-board as an affective member of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) that is confronting the group, the delay in doing so might have cost her much as the deadliest attacks now appear to be occurring on her territory.
President Biya, spending his 36th year in power, needs to think deeply about his legacy. He inherited a united country, vibrant and stable, whose economy would later blossom further by the discovery of oil in the South-West. The quest of Cameroon to have total control of the Bakassi Peninsula, previously belonging to Nigeria, was actualised through a controversial decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and contrary to global expectation, Nigeria withdrew from that territory and handed it over to Cameroon. These are ‘victories’ President Paul Biya can proudly lay claim to and are sufficient to encourage him to take his leave of power and hand over to a successor, especially since he won the last election and will not be leaving in defeat.
France, Cameroon’s former colonial power, has a big responsibility to help engineer the exit of President Biya (should he decide to leave) and try and return Cameroon to peace and unity by negotiating with the armed elements in the south-west and guaranteeing cultural and linguistic rights which generally are the issues behind the insurrection. The country can then unite to confront the scourge of Boko Haram, as it will be difficult for her to survive two civil wars if she continues on the course of the present trajectory.
Cameroon is more viable as one indivisible entity, not a fractured geo-political area. Canada has been a good example of harmonious cohabitation between Francophones and Anglophones, while the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), made of 5 English-speaking and 10 French-speaking countries is the best example of an African effort at regional integration, enjoying free movement amongst all States (long before Europe’s Schengen visa regime came into being). These should be encouraging to Cameroon’s French elite that allowing English-speaking Cameroon to thrive is not a threat to the overall interest of the French-speaking part but a positive step for the entire country.
The United Republic of Cameroon seems everything but united at this very moment. If you’re conversant with what is going on in this part of the world, you would notice that this supposedly bilingual Central African country has been enmeshed in a civil war initiated by some elements in the Anglophone south-western part of the country, while the Boko Haram group has also ramped up its armed violence against the country in its north-western region.
For any government, this would be a very difficult situation to contain. That has not been helped by the fact that political opposition in the country is united against the continuation of the government of President Paul Barthélemy Biya'a bi Mvondo, who has been in power for 36 years, having assumed office on November 6, 1982. They feel that his rule has deeply polarised the country and could be justified in this by Cameroon’s descent into civil war.
The current Cameroonian structure was a product of armed conflict. A former German colony known as Kamerun, the British, using Nigerian soldiers, liberated the western part of the country from Germans during the 2nd World War and promptly annexed those parts to Nigeria, all the way to what is known in Cameroon today as South West Province (Littoral). Those areas in present day Nigeria include the entire north-eastern Nigeria, comprising the States of Borno, Yobe, Bauchi and Adamawa. The French liberated the other parts of the country and went ahead to establish their own colonial dominance over those regions, including the capital Yaounde and the port city of Douala, the nation’s commercial capital.
With the justified protest of first Cameroonian President, Ahmadu Ahidjo, that half his country had been illegally annexed to Nigeria by the British, the United Nations would conduct a plebiscite in 1961 for those people in Nigeria to decide if they wanted to remain in Nigeria or re-join Cameroon. The latter promised to respect the use of the English language in order for these areas to rejoin them. Only what is known as South West Province in today’s Cameroon voted to exit Nigeria and it is that region that has now taken up arms against the regime of President Biya on grounds that his administration did not respect those terms that were offered by the Late President Ahidjo, who, with the benefit of hindsight, did try to fulfil the promise he made.
This on-going insurrection has become a significant military engagement against the State, with most parts of the South-West Province of Cameroon in lockdown, especially as the last elections approached. Expectedly, those elections returned President Biya to power and not a few observers today wonder if his continued stay in office will not worsen the security situation and eventually lead to the end of Cameroon as we know it.
Part 2.
Nigeria, Cameroon’s big neighbour to the west has largely supported the regime of President Biya and the territorial integrity of Cameroon, since President Ahidjo also respected the territorial integrity of Nigeria during her own civil war against the defunct Biafra. Had Cameroon supported Biafra, her geographical proximity to the ill-fated rebel Republic might have turned that conflict the other way. However, should power change hands in Nigeria in 2019, and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar wins the Presidential election in Nigeria, Nigeria’s position might change, given the fact that Atiku, who is from Adamawa State, has kith and kin in Cameroon and may not personally enjoy seeing the current suffering of his people continue.
The Boko Haram scourge is also a significant threat to the territorial integrity of Cameroon. Some experts posit that the violence unleashed by Boko Haram at the onset actually started from Cameroon, as the insurgents often used the mountainous border with Nigeria as a staging post for raids into Nigeria. Cameroon reportedly looked the other way, but with the resolute military response from Nigeria, especially under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, and the cooperation of Chad and Niger, remnants of those Boko Haram fighters kicked out of these three countries seemed to have escaped into Cameroon. While Cameroon would later come on-board as an affective member of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) that is confronting the group, the delay in doing so might have cost her much as the deadliest attacks now appear to be occurring on her territory.
President Biya, spending his 36th year in power, needs to think deeply about his legacy. He inherited a united country, vibrant and stable, whose economy would later blossom further by the discovery of oil in the South-West. The quest of Cameroon to have total control of the Bakassi Peninsula, previously belonging to Nigeria, was actualised through a controversial decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and contrary to global expectation, Nigeria withdrew from that territory and handed it over to Cameroon. These are ‘victories’ President Paul Biya can proudly lay claim to and are sufficient to encourage him to take his leave of power and hand over to a successor, especially since he won the last election and will not be leaving in defeat.
France, Cameroon’s former colonial power, has a big responsibility to help engineer the exit of President Biya (should he decide to leave) and try and return Cameroon to peace and unity by negotiating with the armed elements in the south-west and guaranteeing cultural and linguistic rights which generally are the issues behind the insurrection. The country can then unite to confront the scourge of Boko Haram, as it will be difficult for her to survive two civil wars if she continues on the course of the present trajectory.
Cameroon is more viable as one indivisible entity, not a fractured geo-political area. Canada has been a good example of harmonious cohabitation between Francophones and Anglophones, while the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), made of 5 English-speaking and 10 French-speaking countries is the best example of an African effort at regional integration, enjoying free movement amongst all States (long before Europe’s Schengen visa regime came into being). These should be encouraging to Cameroon’s French elite that allowing English-speaking Cameroon to thrive is not a threat to the overall interest of the French-speaking part but a positive step for the entire country.
Boko Haram: Has al-Barnawi lost control?
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Boko Haram: Has al-Barnawi lost control?
“A group that broke away from its mother sect because it allegedly abhorred the killing of civilians has now turned to doing exactly the same thing!”
The killing of Saifura Hussaini Khorsa and Hauwa Liman,two humanitarian workers, by Boko Haram, has necessitated a re-assessment of the group’s orientation and doctrine. It is a fact that the Abu Musab al-Barnawi faction had broken off from the main Boko Haram sect led by Abubakar Shekau over its abhorrence for the killing of civilians and targeting civilian infrastructure, which it vehemently disagreed with.
Barnawi is the son of Mohammed Yusuf, the founder of the Boko Haram sect and reportedly felt strongly that civilians should not be attacked, under any circumstances. He thus left and from the conduct of his fighters, it appeared that that approach of sparing civilians will be strictly followed.
The routing of the Shekau-faction (which was the biggest of both groups) by the Nigerian military, recapture of territory it had taken, and the reported fatal wounding of Shekau seemingly combined to decapitate Boko Haram as a fighting force. That gave space for the hitherto militarily and demographically insignificant al-Barnawi group to start flourishing.
Some analysts actually saw the end of the group in sight, believing that Barnawi’s group, given its seemingly more focused approach to its aims, would be easier to negotiate with in order to end the insurgency. This would seem to have informed the intensity of the aerial bombardment by the Nigerian Air Force of the locations of the group, largely along the fringes of the Lake Chad, resulting in significant destruction to the capacity of Barnami to sustain any serious campaign ostensibly to force him to give up the fight and negotiate. Not a few therefore expected him to open negotiations with the Nigerians, especially since he had also lost many of his commanders who were either killed or captured.
Rather than seek negotiations to end the fighting, Barnawi apparently changed tactics. His followers abducted three humanitarian workers, two working for the ICRC and one for UNICEF, and demanded that Nigerian authorities release its top commanders in exchange for the humanitarians. Nigeria however declined, perhaps on the strength of the unpopularity of previously acceding to a similar request (which had reportedly led to the exchange of some insurgent commanders for some of the Chibok girls).
The resultant action on the part of the Barnawi faction seemed a contradiction, as it proceeded to executing the innocent health workers at the expiration of the deadline it had set. A group that broke away from its mother sect because it allegedly abhorred the killing of civilians has now turned to doing exactly the same thing! This ignoble action by Boko Hara thus informs reasonable speculation that either al-Barnawi has been radicalised to the point where he now sees nothing wrong in attacking unarmed civilians, or a hardline faction within his own group has displaced him and taken over.
Clearly, both Boko Haram factions have lost militarily and do not pose a threat to Nigeria. The option left for them has been to focus on soft targets and unleash mayhem so as to remain relevant. That al-Barnawi will go this way, suggests as well that he has core commanders in captivity and he desperately needs them back to use their experience to re-build his fighting force. The tide is however turning fast against him and he knows this, as Nigeria might ramp up pressure even further once more air assets are inducted into its air force (the Super Tucano turbo-prop counter-insurgency platforms are expected from the US, and the more strategic JF-17 Thunder multi-role fighter aircraft which will give the Nigerian Air Force the capacity to go well beyond its border to disrupt Boko Haram supply lines either eastwards from Libya, or north-westwards from Mali or Mauritania, are being expected from Pakistan).
The likely consequence of this reality for al-Barnawi could see his group resort to more kidnappings in order to deepen pressure on the Nigerian authorities to negotiate in ways which favour him. International aid agencies would therefore be the likely target of such renewed abductions, while, should they close down some of their offices in the kidnap-prone areas of the north-east to ensure the security of their staff, the humanitarian crisis triggered by the very Boko Haram insurgency could worsen.
In March 2018, Boko Haram raided Rann, in north-eastern Nigeria and abducted three aid workers: Saifura Hussaini Ahmed Khurso, Hauwa Liman, and Alice Loksha, staff of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and UNICEF respectively. The first two of these aid workers have been unlawfully executed by the insurgents.
©Gaskiya.net
“A group that broke away from its mother sect because it allegedly abhorred the killing of civilians has now turned to doing exactly the same thing!”
The killing of Saifura Hussaini Khorsa and Hauwa Liman,two humanitarian workers, by Boko Haram, has necessitated a re-assessment of the group’s orientation and doctrine. It is a fact that the Abu Musab al-Barnawi faction had broken off from the main Boko Haram sect led by Abubakar Shekau over its abhorrence for the killing of civilians and targeting civilian infrastructure, which it vehemently disagreed with.
Barnawi is the son of Mohammed Yusuf, the founder of the Boko Haram sect and reportedly felt strongly that civilians should not be attacked, under any circumstances. He thus left and from the conduct of his fighters, it appeared that that approach of sparing civilians will be strictly followed.
The routing of the Shekau-faction (which was the biggest of both groups) by the Nigerian military, recapture of territory it had taken, and the reported fatal wounding of Shekau seemingly combined to decapitate Boko Haram as a fighting force. That gave space for the hitherto militarily and demographically insignificant al-Barnawi group to start flourishing.
Some analysts actually saw the end of the group in sight, believing that Barnawi’s group, given its seemingly more focused approach to its aims, would be easier to negotiate with in order to end the insurgency. This would seem to have informed the intensity of the aerial bombardment by the Nigerian Air Force of the locations of the group, largely along the fringes of the Lake Chad, resulting in significant destruction to the capacity of Barnami to sustain any serious campaign ostensibly to force him to give up the fight and negotiate. Not a few therefore expected him to open negotiations with the Nigerians, especially since he had also lost many of his commanders who were either killed or captured.
Rather than seek negotiations to end the fighting, Barnawi apparently changed tactics. His followers abducted three humanitarian workers, two working for the ICRC and one for UNICEF, and demanded that Nigerian authorities release its top commanders in exchange for the humanitarians. Nigeria however declined, perhaps on the strength of the unpopularity of previously acceding to a similar request (which had reportedly led to the exchange of some insurgent commanders for some of the Chibok girls).
The resultant action on the part of the Barnawi faction seemed a contradiction, as it proceeded to executing the innocent health workers at the expiration of the deadline it had set. A group that broke away from its mother sect because it allegedly abhorred the killing of civilians has now turned to doing exactly the same thing! This ignoble action by Boko Hara thus informs reasonable speculation that either al-Barnawi has been radicalised to the point where he now sees nothing wrong in attacking unarmed civilians, or a hardline faction within his own group has displaced him and taken over.
Clearly, both Boko Haram factions have lost militarily and do not pose a threat to Nigeria. The option left for them has been to focus on soft targets and unleash mayhem so as to remain relevant. That al-Barnawi will go this way, suggests as well that he has core commanders in captivity and he desperately needs them back to use their experience to re-build his fighting force. The tide is however turning fast against him and he knows this, as Nigeria might ramp up pressure even further once more air assets are inducted into its air force (the Super Tucano turbo-prop counter-insurgency platforms are expected from the US, and the more strategic JF-17 Thunder multi-role fighter aircraft which will give the Nigerian Air Force the capacity to go well beyond its border to disrupt Boko Haram supply lines either eastwards from Libya, or north-westwards from Mali or Mauritania, are being expected from Pakistan).
The likely consequence of this reality for al-Barnawi could see his group resort to more kidnappings in order to deepen pressure on the Nigerian authorities to negotiate in ways which favour him. International aid agencies would therefore be the likely target of such renewed abductions, while, should they close down some of their offices in the kidnap-prone areas of the north-east to ensure the security of their staff, the humanitarian crisis triggered by the very Boko Haram insurgency could worsen.
In March 2018, Boko Haram raided Rann, in north-eastern Nigeria and abducted three aid workers: Saifura Hussaini Ahmed Khurso, Hauwa Liman, and Alice Loksha, staff of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and UNICEF respectively. The first two of these aid workers have been unlawfully executed by the insurgents.
©Gaskiya.net
State of The Nation Address.
President Uhuru Kenyatta Apologises to Kenyans
President Uhuru Kenyatta Apologises to Kenyans
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By John Ngirachu and Samuel Owino
Daily Nation
Forgive me.” Those were the two words that marked the climax of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s State of the Nation address on Wednesday as he used the annual event to make a call for Kenyans to unite in the wake of a divisive and fraught electioneering period last year.
“If there was anything I said last year that hurt or wounded you, if I damaged the unity of this country in any way, I ask you to forgive me, and to join me in repairing that harm,” asked the President, who was sworn in for a second term in January this year after months of bruising political campaigns and two elections.
His one-hour-and-22-minute speech was met with an eruption of handshakes in the joint sitting of Parliament, and used words and expressions that advanced the spirit of the conciliatory tone that has characterised his speeches since March 9, when he made a peace pact with opposition leader Raila Odinga at Harambee House in Nairobi.
Daily Nation
Forgive me.” Those were the two words that marked the climax of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s State of the Nation address on Wednesday as he used the annual event to make a call for Kenyans to unite in the wake of a divisive and fraught electioneering period last year.
“If there was anything I said last year that hurt or wounded you, if I damaged the unity of this country in any way, I ask you to forgive me, and to join me in repairing that harm,” asked the President, who was sworn in for a second term in January this year after months of bruising political campaigns and two elections.
His one-hour-and-22-minute speech was met with an eruption of handshakes in the joint sitting of Parliament, and used words and expressions that advanced the spirit of the conciliatory tone that has characterised his speeches since March 9, when he made a peace pact with opposition leader Raila Odinga at Harambee House in Nairobi.
Adieu Mama Africa. Winnie Mandela Dies At 81
Ghanaians Protest US-Ghana Military Agreement
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Thousands of people protested in Ghana’s capital Accra on Wednesday against the expansion of its defence cooperation with the United States, in a rare public display of opposition to the growing foreign military presence in West Africa.
Demonstrators blowing vuvuzelas and beating drums filled Accra’s business district, holding placards criticising a new deal with Washington that they say threatens Ghana’s sovereignty.
“As a right-thinking citizen, I am here to fight for my country. I am against selling our peace and security for $20 million,” said Gifty Yankson, a 49-year-old trader.
They (the American military) become a curse everywhere they are, and I am not ready to mortgage my security.
“They (the American military) become a curse everywhere they are, and I am not ready to mortgage my security,” Yankson said.
Police estimated the crowd size at about 3,500 protesters. While officers in riot gear were present, no violence was reported.
International powers including the United States and France are looking to extend their presence in the remote Sahel region in particular, where al Qaeda and Islamic State militants have gained a strong foothold in recent years.
But Washington is struggling to mend its image in Africa, which was damaged by reports President Donald Trump described African nations as “shithole countries” in a discussion on immigration. The White House later denied he used that language.
Under the deal approved by Ghana’s parliament last week, the United States will invest around $20 million in training and equipment for the Ghanaian military this year. Opposition lawmakers boycotted the parliamentary vote.
In return, the U.S. military will be allowed to deploy troops and import military equipment tax-free, use an airport runway that meets U.S. standards, and have free access to Ghana’s radio spectrum.
Ghana has had a long-standing military and trade ties with the United States, but many say the latest agreement was a step too far.
Responding to local press reports concerning the deal, the U.S. Embassy in Accra underscored in a statement last week that it had no plans to establish a military base in Ghana.
It said the existing 20-year-old cooperation agreement “does not cover the current range and volume of bilateral exercises and assistance.”
Four elite U.S. soldiers were killed in Niger alongside local troops in an Islamist ambush in October, sparking a fierce debate back home about covert U.S. actions in West Africa.
The United States has about 7,200 U.S. Defense Department personnel, including soldiers, stationed in Africa. Over half of those are stationed at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, with the remaining personnel scattered across 32 other smaller locations.
REUTERS
Demonstrators blowing vuvuzelas and beating drums filled Accra’s business district, holding placards criticising a new deal with Washington that they say threatens Ghana’s sovereignty.
“As a right-thinking citizen, I am here to fight for my country. I am against selling our peace and security for $20 million,” said Gifty Yankson, a 49-year-old trader.
They (the American military) become a curse everywhere they are, and I am not ready to mortgage my security.
“They (the American military) become a curse everywhere they are, and I am not ready to mortgage my security,” Yankson said.
Police estimated the crowd size at about 3,500 protesters. While officers in riot gear were present, no violence was reported.
International powers including the United States and France are looking to extend their presence in the remote Sahel region in particular, where al Qaeda and Islamic State militants have gained a strong foothold in recent years.
But Washington is struggling to mend its image in Africa, which was damaged by reports President Donald Trump described African nations as “shithole countries” in a discussion on immigration. The White House later denied he used that language.
Under the deal approved by Ghana’s parliament last week, the United States will invest around $20 million in training and equipment for the Ghanaian military this year. Opposition lawmakers boycotted the parliamentary vote.
In return, the U.S. military will be allowed to deploy troops and import military equipment tax-free, use an airport runway that meets U.S. standards, and have free access to Ghana’s radio spectrum.
Ghana has had a long-standing military and trade ties with the United States, but many say the latest agreement was a step too far.
Responding to local press reports concerning the deal, the U.S. Embassy in Accra underscored in a statement last week that it had no plans to establish a military base in Ghana.
It said the existing 20-year-old cooperation agreement “does not cover the current range and volume of bilateral exercises and assistance.”
Four elite U.S. soldiers were killed in Niger alongside local troops in an Islamist ambush in October, sparking a fierce debate back home about covert U.S. actions in West Africa.
The United States has about 7,200 U.S. Defense Department personnel, including soldiers, stationed in Africa. Over half of those are stationed at Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti, with the remaining personnel scattered across 32 other smaller locations.
REUTERS
Ethiopia To Remain East Africa's Fastest Growing Economy - 2018 World Bank Forecast
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Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban
Africa News.
The Ethiopian economy will maintain its growth lead for the East African region according to the latest World Bank report.
The economy, however, dropped a step in growth forecast in the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) region, falling behind Ghana. In June 2017, the WB forecast Ethiopia as the most expansive in SSA pegging growth at 8.3%.
The latest forecast puts Ethiopia at a percentage point behind Ghana. The West African nation is forecast to grow at 8.3% as against Ethiopia’s 8.2%.
Click here to read full story
Nigeria Summons US Embassy Official Over Trump's 'Shithole' Comment.
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REUTERS
Nigeria’s government on Monday summoned a representative of the the U.S. ambassador to explain reported remarks by President Donald Trump that immigrants from Africa and Haiti come from “shithole countries”, the foreign ministry said.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Onyeama “sought clarification on the veracity or otherwise of the substance of the remarks, stressing that if they were true, they were deeply hurtful, offensive and unacceptable”, the ministry said in a statement.
Trump reportedly made the remarks at a private meeting with lawmakers on immigration on Thursday. A U.S. senator who attended the gathering said the president used “vile, vulgar” language, including repeatedly using the word “shithole” when speaking about African countries.
The Nigerian foreign ministry statement noted the “very warm and cordial relations that presently exist” between Nigeria and the U.S.
The United States, represented by Deputy Chief of Mission David J. Young as the ambassador was not in Nigeria, said there were contradictory accounts as to whether the remarks were made, the statement said.
In a separate statement, a U.S. embassy spokesman said Young “reiterated the excellent relations that exist between the United States and Nigeria and they discussed future cooperation between the two countries”.
The U.S. president on Friday denied using such derogatory language. But he has been widely condemned in many African countries and by international rights organisations. African Union countries demanded an apology on Friday.
REUTERS
Nigeria’s government on Monday summoned a representative of the the U.S. ambassador to explain reported remarks by President Donald Trump that immigrants from Africa and Haiti come from “shithole countries”, the foreign ministry said.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Onyeama “sought clarification on the veracity or otherwise of the substance of the remarks, stressing that if they were true, they were deeply hurtful, offensive and unacceptable”, the ministry said in a statement.
Trump reportedly made the remarks at a private meeting with lawmakers on immigration on Thursday. A U.S. senator who attended the gathering said the president used “vile, vulgar” language, including repeatedly using the word “shithole” when speaking about African countries.
The Nigerian foreign ministry statement noted the “very warm and cordial relations that presently exist” between Nigeria and the U.S.
The United States, represented by Deputy Chief of Mission David J. Young as the ambassador was not in Nigeria, said there were contradictory accounts as to whether the remarks were made, the statement said.
In a separate statement, a U.S. embassy spokesman said Young “reiterated the excellent relations that exist between the United States and Nigeria and they discussed future cooperation between the two countries”.
The U.S. president on Friday denied using such derogatory language. But he has been widely condemned in many African countries and by international rights organisations. African Union countries demanded an apology on Friday.
REUTERS
Gaskiya.net Special Analysis - Africa in 2017 and the Reality of 2018
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Gaskiya.net
The year 2017 saw President Robert Mugabe toppled from power; President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya winning re-election by the skin of his teeth; President Yayyah Jammeh booted out by a robust ECOMOG force for Adama Barrow to commence his own Presidency in The Gambia; President Buhari overcoming a difficult health challenge to continue in office; President Zuma all but forced out of office in South Africa; Al Shabbab killing 350 people in Mogadishu in the deadliest attack in Somalia in recent time…and Cameroon winning the 2017 African Cup of Nations!
Across the globe, President Trump was sworn in as President of the United States; Britain triggered Article 50 to exit the European Union; Rohyngas are chased out of Myanmar in what was described by some experts as one of the worst cases of ethnic cleansing ever witnessed; IS lost its Mosul stronghold in Iraq, effectively triggering its collapse as a viable fighting force; North Korea stood its ground in an even more robust missile diplomacy; China consolidated its regional and global power ambitions; while Global Warming continued apace and dangerously too.
Let’s focus on Africa, where perhaps the most significant event was the fall of Comrade Bob Mugabe from power in Zimbabwe after 37 years in power. Before his tenure was terminated, ECOWAS had once again led by example by ousting former President Yayyah Jammeh through the ECOMIG (ECOWAS Military Intervention in The Gambia) force to pave the way for the ascension to power of President Adama Barrow. In Zimbabwe, thousands bid President Mugabe goodbye in November 2017 on the streets of Harare, emboldened by the realisation that the country’s military was no longer behind Comrade Bob. Does the fall of Mr. Mugabe offer a new strategy for removing dictators in Africa? That question would form the basis of another discourse at a later time.
On the economic front, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that African economies grew at 2.6% of GDP in 2017. This year, they’re expected to grow at 3.4%, driven largely by the economies of Nigeria and South Africa. Agriculture continues to gain more prominence in strategies to re-energise the economy of most African countries. In 2017, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) strengthened the bank’s focus on the development of agriculture, affirming the mantra that agriculture as business. Adesina is said by some watchers to favour a mix of planned and market economies (as China has done)to lift Africa up. The likely impact of this approach is left to be seen as the year unfolds.
Continuing our discourse on our continent, Africa developed goose pimples over the tensions that engulfed the Kenyan elections. Yet 2018 will see elections hold in Sierra Leone in March, Egypt in May, in South Sudan in July, in Zimbabwe and Mali both in August, in Cameroon in October, in Madagascar in December and in DRC on a date yet to be decided. What do these portend for the democratic experience of Africa?
For Nigerians, it was a big sigh of relief as President Muhammadu Buhari survived a health challenge that had kept him away from the country for a few months. He has since laboured to keep the economy going, made strenuous efforts to douse security threats and had to contend with the slow return of the economy to recovery. The icing on the cake for him would seem to be the growing capacity of Nigeria to increase domestic food production, with Lagos State and others leading the way. The year 2018 should be quite interesting for not just the President, but other politicians hoping to gain the tickets of their various parties in readiness for the 2019 elections.
Indeed as Africa looks forward to several elections, it also looks forward to the possible emergence of Cyril Ramaphosa as the next President of South Africa. Many in that country are already expecting a lot from Comrade Ramaphosa and we all look forward to what should be interesting times in the Union Building in Pretoria. Will it finally be freedom for South Africans held captive by a lack-lustre ANC leadership under President Zuma? Who knows?
The year 2017 also saw certain books making the headlines of best sellers. These include Fred Khumalo’s “Dancing the Death Drill,” Olumide Popoola’s “When we Speak of Nothing,” JJ Bola’s “No Place to Call Home,” and the action-adventure thriller, “Combat Zulu” by Debayo Adelaja-Olowo-Ake.
The Nigerian movie industry remained number one in Africa and number two in the world, after Bollywood, estimated at USD5.1 billion. In 2017, a first was recorded when the production titled “The Wedding Party” grossed USD1.3 million (about N400 million)-the first domestic production to cross that mark. Many more successes are expected in 2018, and the quality of artistic and technical production and commercial penetration are expected to further improve.
While the continent’s economy seem set to further improve (given the IMF figures), not a few agree that real progress in 2018—and not the make-believe world of movies shot in Nollywood—will be activated by what actually happens in Nigeria, Egypt, South Africa, Angola, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We doubt that you disagree!
The year 2017 saw President Robert Mugabe toppled from power; President Uhuru Kenyatta of Kenya winning re-election by the skin of his teeth; President Yayyah Jammeh booted out by a robust ECOMOG force for Adama Barrow to commence his own Presidency in The Gambia; President Buhari overcoming a difficult health challenge to continue in office; President Zuma all but forced out of office in South Africa; Al Shabbab killing 350 people in Mogadishu in the deadliest attack in Somalia in recent time…and Cameroon winning the 2017 African Cup of Nations!
Across the globe, President Trump was sworn in as President of the United States; Britain triggered Article 50 to exit the European Union; Rohyngas are chased out of Myanmar in what was described by some experts as one of the worst cases of ethnic cleansing ever witnessed; IS lost its Mosul stronghold in Iraq, effectively triggering its collapse as a viable fighting force; North Korea stood its ground in an even more robust missile diplomacy; China consolidated its regional and global power ambitions; while Global Warming continued apace and dangerously too.
Let’s focus on Africa, where perhaps the most significant event was the fall of Comrade Bob Mugabe from power in Zimbabwe after 37 years in power. Before his tenure was terminated, ECOWAS had once again led by example by ousting former President Yayyah Jammeh through the ECOMIG (ECOWAS Military Intervention in The Gambia) force to pave the way for the ascension to power of President Adama Barrow. In Zimbabwe, thousands bid President Mugabe goodbye in November 2017 on the streets of Harare, emboldened by the realisation that the country’s military was no longer behind Comrade Bob. Does the fall of Mr. Mugabe offer a new strategy for removing dictators in Africa? That question would form the basis of another discourse at a later time.
On the economic front, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that African economies grew at 2.6% of GDP in 2017. This year, they’re expected to grow at 3.4%, driven largely by the economies of Nigeria and South Africa. Agriculture continues to gain more prominence in strategies to re-energise the economy of most African countries. In 2017, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) strengthened the bank’s focus on the development of agriculture, affirming the mantra that agriculture as business. Adesina is said by some watchers to favour a mix of planned and market economies (as China has done)to lift Africa up. The likely impact of this approach is left to be seen as the year unfolds.
Continuing our discourse on our continent, Africa developed goose pimples over the tensions that engulfed the Kenyan elections. Yet 2018 will see elections hold in Sierra Leone in March, Egypt in May, in South Sudan in July, in Zimbabwe and Mali both in August, in Cameroon in October, in Madagascar in December and in DRC on a date yet to be decided. What do these portend for the democratic experience of Africa?
For Nigerians, it was a big sigh of relief as President Muhammadu Buhari survived a health challenge that had kept him away from the country for a few months. He has since laboured to keep the economy going, made strenuous efforts to douse security threats and had to contend with the slow return of the economy to recovery. The icing on the cake for him would seem to be the growing capacity of Nigeria to increase domestic food production, with Lagos State and others leading the way. The year 2018 should be quite interesting for not just the President, but other politicians hoping to gain the tickets of their various parties in readiness for the 2019 elections.
Indeed as Africa looks forward to several elections, it also looks forward to the possible emergence of Cyril Ramaphosa as the next President of South Africa. Many in that country are already expecting a lot from Comrade Ramaphosa and we all look forward to what should be interesting times in the Union Building in Pretoria. Will it finally be freedom for South Africans held captive by a lack-lustre ANC leadership under President Zuma? Who knows?
The year 2017 also saw certain books making the headlines of best sellers. These include Fred Khumalo’s “Dancing the Death Drill,” Olumide Popoola’s “When we Speak of Nothing,” JJ Bola’s “No Place to Call Home,” and the action-adventure thriller, “Combat Zulu” by Debayo Adelaja-Olowo-Ake.
The Nigerian movie industry remained number one in Africa and number two in the world, after Bollywood, estimated at USD5.1 billion. In 2017, a first was recorded when the production titled “The Wedding Party” grossed USD1.3 million (about N400 million)-the first domestic production to cross that mark. Many more successes are expected in 2018, and the quality of artistic and technical production and commercial penetration are expected to further improve.
While the continent’s economy seem set to further improve (given the IMF figures), not a few agree that real progress in 2018—and not the make-believe world of movies shot in Nollywood—will be activated by what actually happens in Nigeria, Egypt, South Africa, Angola, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We doubt that you disagree!
President-elect Weah says Liberia 'open for business', vows to fight corruption
Edward McAllister
MONROVIA (Reuters) - Liberian President-elect George Weah on Saturday declared the country open to investment and pledged to tackle entrenched corruption, in his first speech to the nation since decisively winning an election this week.
Click here for full story
Liberia will hold its presidential election on December 26.
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By Brooks Marmon
The Washington Post
After a delay of over a month, Liberia will move ahead and hold a runoff presidential election on Dec. 26. The contest pits George Weah, a retired soccer star and junior senator, against Joseph Boakai, septuagenarian vice president. Boakai was outpolled in the first round in October and appears to be the underdog.
Originally slated for Nov. 7, the second round of balloting was delayedfollowing an unsuccessful judicial challenge by the Liberty Party, whose candidate, Charles Brumskine, alleged fraud, and finished a distant third with less than 10 percent of the vote.
An elected president has not transferred power to another in Liberia since 1944.
This is an important milestone in Liberia’s democratic transformation since the end of civil war in 2003. The great challenge, as Liberian politician and academic Amos Sawyer noted in 2005, is shifting the country’s political mind-set from “zero-sum politics to one that embraces tolerance, accommodation and coalition-building.”
Neither candidate matches the gravitas of Liberia’s outgoing leader, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Africa’s first elected female president. Some wonder if Weah is under the sway of disgraced former president and rebel leader Charles Taylor after Weah selected Taylor’s ex-wife, Sen. Jewel Howard Taylor, as his running mate. To a lesser degree, Boakai has been tarnished by Sirleaf’s reluctance to campaign actively on his behalf.
Read full story here
The Washington Post
After a delay of over a month, Liberia will move ahead and hold a runoff presidential election on Dec. 26. The contest pits George Weah, a retired soccer star and junior senator, against Joseph Boakai, septuagenarian vice president. Boakai was outpolled in the first round in October and appears to be the underdog.
Originally slated for Nov. 7, the second round of balloting was delayedfollowing an unsuccessful judicial challenge by the Liberty Party, whose candidate, Charles Brumskine, alleged fraud, and finished a distant third with less than 10 percent of the vote.
An elected president has not transferred power to another in Liberia since 1944.
This is an important milestone in Liberia’s democratic transformation since the end of civil war in 2003. The great challenge, as Liberian politician and academic Amos Sawyer noted in 2005, is shifting the country’s political mind-set from “zero-sum politics to one that embraces tolerance, accommodation and coalition-building.”
Neither candidate matches the gravitas of Liberia’s outgoing leader, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Africa’s first elected female president. Some wonder if Weah is under the sway of disgraced former president and rebel leader Charles Taylor after Weah selected Taylor’s ex-wife, Sen. Jewel Howard Taylor, as his running mate. To a lesser degree, Boakai has been tarnished by Sirleaf’s reluctance to campaign actively on his behalf.
Read full story here
Cyril Ramaphosa Wins ANC Leadership Election. Click here
Nigeria's Wedding Industry Worth Millions - CNN
By Torera Idowu, CNN
Lagos, Nigeria (CNN) As the year draws to a close, wedding season in Nigeria begins.
Getting married in Africa's most populous country is big business and said to be worth millions of dollars, according to market research group, TNS Global.Nigerian wedding can cost up to $9,460-$13,515 with guest lists matching the super-sized budgets.
Some weddings in the country cater for an average of 1000 guests.
Click here to read the full story
Kenya. US Praises Raila Odinga For Calling Off "Swearing In"
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Daily Nation
The United States has praised Kenya's opposition leader Raila Odinga for shelving plans to swear him in as the ‘People’s President’, terming the move a positive step towards national dialogue.
US ambassador Robert Godec said on Monday Mr Odinga’s decision to put on hold his controversial swearing-in that was planned for December 12, was welcome.
The National Super Alliance (Nasa) announced the postponement of Mr Odinga’s swearing-in on Sunday, citing internal, national and international interventions as the reasons for the decision.
Nasa co-principal Musalia Mudavadi, who made the announcement, said the coalition would announce the new date for swearing in Mr Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka as president and deputy president.
Dialogue
On Monday, Mr Godec called on political leaders to lead the nation into open and transparent dialogue.
The United States has praised Kenya's opposition leader Raila Odinga for shelving plans to swear him in as the ‘People’s President’, terming the move a positive step towards national dialogue.
US ambassador Robert Godec said on Monday Mr Odinga’s decision to put on hold his controversial swearing-in that was planned for December 12, was welcome.
The National Super Alliance (Nasa) announced the postponement of Mr Odinga’s swearing-in on Sunday, citing internal, national and international interventions as the reasons for the decision.
Nasa co-principal Musalia Mudavadi, who made the announcement, said the coalition would announce the new date for swearing in Mr Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka as president and deputy president.
Dialogue
On Monday, Mr Godec called on political leaders to lead the nation into open and transparent dialogue.
Senegal opens new $600m airport built over 10 years
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban
Senegal has a new airport as the west African country seeks to underline its status as an airline hub in the subregion.
The Blaise Diagne International Airport was officially opened on Thursday (December 7) by President Macky Sall. He called it a “source of satisfaction and legitimate pride” for the country.
Whiles expected to increase air traffic to the country, the authorities are also hoping it will translate in increased tourism and by that an economic boost.
Senegal has a new airport as the west African country seeks to underline its status as an airline hub in the subregion.
The Blaise Diagne International Airport was officially opened on Thursday (December 7) by President Macky Sall. He called it a “source of satisfaction and legitimate pride” for the country.
Whiles expected to increase air traffic to the country, the authorities are also hoping it will translate in increased tourism and by that an economic boost.
PwC: “African countries will be among The world’s most powerful economies”
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Culled from Air France/KLM Club Africa
Emerging markets such as Nigeria, Egypt, and South Africa are expected to grow twice as fast as many advanced economies by 2050. Professional services firm Price Waterhouse Coopers (PwC) has ranked these three African countries among the 32 future power economies by 2050.
PwC ranks Nigeria, Egypt and South Africa 14th, 15th, and 27th respectively among world economies by 2050. PwC’s report - “The Long View: How Will The Global Economic Order Change By 2050”, ranks the country according to what is referred to as ‘purchasing power parity’. This is a measure used by macroeconomists to determine the economic productivity and standards of living between countries across a certain time period.
BusinessInsider reports that PwC expects that South Africa, alongside Nigeria, will be one of the few countries to see a marked acceleration of annual average growth over the next few decades.
Click here to read more
Emerging markets such as Nigeria, Egypt, and South Africa are expected to grow twice as fast as many advanced economies by 2050. Professional services firm Price Waterhouse Coopers (PwC) has ranked these three African countries among the 32 future power economies by 2050.
PwC ranks Nigeria, Egypt and South Africa 14th, 15th, and 27th respectively among world economies by 2050. PwC’s report - “The Long View: How Will The Global Economic Order Change By 2050”, ranks the country according to what is referred to as ‘purchasing power parity’. This is a measure used by macroeconomists to determine the economic productivity and standards of living between countries across a certain time period.
BusinessInsider reports that PwC expects that South Africa, alongside Nigeria, will be one of the few countries to see a marked acceleration of annual average growth over the next few decades.
Click here to read more
Kenya. Opposition Calls For Boycott of President's Inauguration
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By Patrick Lang'at DAILY NATION
Nasa has asked its lawmakers not to participate in vetting Cabinet appointees as the coalition intensifies its protest against President Uhuru Kenyatta's election win.
Their five-point resolution reached after a meeting at Maanzoni Lodge, Machakos County, chaired by leader Raila Odinga on Saturday, indicates that they do not recognise the election of Mr Kenyatta.
"We have not individually and collectively delegated our sovereignty to Uhuru Kenyatta," the report read.
POLICE BRUTALITY
Further, co-principal Musalia Mudavadi said they will use legally available options to protest the October 26 victory, regardless of being upheld by the Supreme Court.
Mr Mudavadi also urged Kenyans not to attend the swearing-in of Mr Kenyatta at Kasarani Stadium on Tuesday; and instead attend the memorial service of victims of police brutality to be held at Jacaranda Grounds in Embakasi on the same day.
POLICE
Earlier in a press conference, Nairobi police commander Japhet Koome said that the coalition has not informed the police about the event.
"We are not aware about it. We have not been notified. So, whoever thinks he has intentions to do that [and] he does not involve police, why don't you tell that person that the law will deal with such a situation firmly?" Mr Koome said.
Nasa has asked its lawmakers not to participate in vetting Cabinet appointees as the coalition intensifies its protest against President Uhuru Kenyatta's election win.
Their five-point resolution reached after a meeting at Maanzoni Lodge, Machakos County, chaired by leader Raila Odinga on Saturday, indicates that they do not recognise the election of Mr Kenyatta.
"We have not individually and collectively delegated our sovereignty to Uhuru Kenyatta," the report read.
POLICE BRUTALITY
Further, co-principal Musalia Mudavadi said they will use legally available options to protest the October 26 victory, regardless of being upheld by the Supreme Court.
Mr Mudavadi also urged Kenyans not to attend the swearing-in of Mr Kenyatta at Kasarani Stadium on Tuesday; and instead attend the memorial service of victims of police brutality to be held at Jacaranda Grounds in Embakasi on the same day.
POLICE
Earlier in a press conference, Nairobi police commander Japhet Koome said that the coalition has not informed the police about the event.
"We are not aware about it. We have not been notified. So, whoever thinks he has intentions to do that [and] he does not involve police, why don't you tell that person that the law will deal with such a situation firmly?" Mr Koome said.
A new Dawn In Zimbabwe
As President Mnangagwa Takes Over From Robert Mugabe.
As President Mnangagwa Takes Over From Robert Mugabe.
Exclusive Pictures. Anti Mugabe Protests In London.
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Anti Mugabe Protests Planned....could be out of office by Sunday
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Culled from The Guardian
Tens of thousands of people are expected to take to the streets of Harare on Saturday to call for the resignation of Robert Mugabe, as moves to force the Zimbabwean president to stand down gather pace.
The army seized power four days ago but Mugabe has refused its demands to leave office. The military and senior officials within the ruling Zanu-PF party now appear set on forcing Mugabe out within 48 hours.
Few options are open to the 93-year-old autocrat, who has ruled Zimbabwethrough a mixture of coercion, bribery and revolutionary rhetoric for nearly four decades. Support in some branches of the security establishment – such as the police – has evaporated and many political supporters have been detained.
By late Friday afternoon, all 10 of the country’s provincial Zanu-PF branches had passed motions of no confidence in the president. These could lead to Mugabe being stripped of his office of president of the party by Sunday, one official told the Guardian.
Click here to read more
Tens of thousands of people are expected to take to the streets of Harare on Saturday to call for the resignation of Robert Mugabe, as moves to force the Zimbabwean president to stand down gather pace.
The army seized power four days ago but Mugabe has refused its demands to leave office. The military and senior officials within the ruling Zanu-PF party now appear set on forcing Mugabe out within 48 hours.
Few options are open to the 93-year-old autocrat, who has ruled Zimbabwethrough a mixture of coercion, bribery and revolutionary rhetoric for nearly four decades. Support in some branches of the security establishment – such as the police – has evaporated and many political supporters have been detained.
By late Friday afternoon, all 10 of the country’s provincial Zanu-PF branches had passed motions of no confidence in the president. These could lead to Mugabe being stripped of his office of president of the party by Sunday, one official told the Guardian.
Click here to read more
Gaskiya Special Analysis.
Zimbabwe - Second Political Party Takes Power.
Zimbabwe - Second Political Party Takes Power.
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Zimbabwe-Second political party takes power!
Zimbabwe, freed from an oppressive apartheid regime on April 18 1980 had only had two functional political parties-the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) Patriotic Front (PF), and the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF).
It had not always been so however. In the early days of independence, there was at least one very powerful party as well, the Zimbabwe African Peoples’ Union (ZAPU) led by the late Joshua Nkomo. He was a better known nationalist across the African continent and was in fact instrumental to introducing President Robert Mugabe to the anti-apartheid coalition leadership headed by Nigeria. Nkomo would later collapse his party into Mugabe’s ZANU to form ZANU-PF.
However, no sooner than Zimbabwe became free than Mugabe moved to neutralize the other liberation heroes. General Joshua Togongara died mysteriously, Joshua Nkomo was rendered redundant and Canaan Banana, erstwhile Vice President, was removed as well. It was not surprising that the country would later end up as a one-party State.
The political landscape of Zimbabwe would seemingly be changed with the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which, given the acquiescence of the politicians in the country, had to be formed by former labour union members to create a viable opposition to ZANU-PF!
However, despite Mugabe’s total control of the party and country, Zimbabweans loved him and the party and were largely loyal and faithful to both. The economic crisis which hit the country from 2007 to 2009 and the resultant political logjam arising from a rigged election largely believed to have been won by the MDC brought Zimbabwe to her knees.
Despite the internationally-brokered power sharing arrangement between ZANU-PF and the MDC, Zimbabwe would only exit from her political and economic problems momentarily. Morgan Tsvangirai as Prime Minister and Tendai Biti (Finance Minister) gave some stability but the MDC would later lose the next election and its legitimacy as a viable opposition-condemning Zimbabwe to being dominated by the ZANU-PF.
Needless to say that the rot that followed the power drunkenness of ZANU-PF elites eventually saw Zimbabweans openly challenging the party from 2016, the ruling party fracturing into two, and an accelerated decline in both political and economic stability. The sacking of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa on November 6 2017 seemed to have been the final straw, as it followed a public demand for his sacking by Mrs. Grace Mugabe, wife of the President amidst fears that she was scheming to replace her husband.
That was enough to prompt the second political party to finally make its move for power. How the ZDF sets about correcting the problems of Zimbabwe without truncating constitutional order might become a model for countries facing similar sit-tight rule exhibited by erstwhile President Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
Zimbabwe, freed from an oppressive apartheid regime on April 18 1980 had only had two functional political parties-the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) Patriotic Front (PF), and the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF).
It had not always been so however. In the early days of independence, there was at least one very powerful party as well, the Zimbabwe African Peoples’ Union (ZAPU) led by the late Joshua Nkomo. He was a better known nationalist across the African continent and was in fact instrumental to introducing President Robert Mugabe to the anti-apartheid coalition leadership headed by Nigeria. Nkomo would later collapse his party into Mugabe’s ZANU to form ZANU-PF.
However, no sooner than Zimbabwe became free than Mugabe moved to neutralize the other liberation heroes. General Joshua Togongara died mysteriously, Joshua Nkomo was rendered redundant and Canaan Banana, erstwhile Vice President, was removed as well. It was not surprising that the country would later end up as a one-party State.
The political landscape of Zimbabwe would seemingly be changed with the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which, given the acquiescence of the politicians in the country, had to be formed by former labour union members to create a viable opposition to ZANU-PF!
However, despite Mugabe’s total control of the party and country, Zimbabweans loved him and the party and were largely loyal and faithful to both. The economic crisis which hit the country from 2007 to 2009 and the resultant political logjam arising from a rigged election largely believed to have been won by the MDC brought Zimbabwe to her knees.
Despite the internationally-brokered power sharing arrangement between ZANU-PF and the MDC, Zimbabwe would only exit from her political and economic problems momentarily. Morgan Tsvangirai as Prime Minister and Tendai Biti (Finance Minister) gave some stability but the MDC would later lose the next election and its legitimacy as a viable opposition-condemning Zimbabwe to being dominated by the ZANU-PF.
Needless to say that the rot that followed the power drunkenness of ZANU-PF elites eventually saw Zimbabweans openly challenging the party from 2016, the ruling party fracturing into two, and an accelerated decline in both political and economic stability. The sacking of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa on November 6 2017 seemed to have been the final straw, as it followed a public demand for his sacking by Mrs. Grace Mugabe, wife of the President amidst fears that she was scheming to replace her husband.
That was enough to prompt the second political party to finally make its move for power. How the ZDF sets about correcting the problems of Zimbabwe without truncating constitutional order might become a model for countries facing similar sit-tight rule exhibited by erstwhile President Robert Gabriel Mugabe.
Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe In Detention As Army Takes Over
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Culled from The Guardian
Robert Mugabe remains in detention at his home in Zimbabwe more than 12 hours after the military declared on national television that it had temporarily taken control of the country to “target criminals” around the head of state.
The move by the armed forces appears to have resolved a bitter battle to succeed the 93-year-old president, which had pitted his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, against Mugabe’s wife, Grac
First lady Grace Mugabe reportedly out of country as military says in statement that it is ‘targeting criminals’ around 93-year-old presidentMnangagwa was reported to have returned to Zimbabwe on Tuesday evening from South Africa, where he fled last week after being stripped of his office by Mugabe in an apparent attempt to clear Grace Mugabe’s path to power.There were unconfirmed reports that Grace was in Namibia on Wednesday on business.
Read full story here
Robert Mugabe remains in detention at his home in Zimbabwe more than 12 hours after the military declared on national television that it had temporarily taken control of the country to “target criminals” around the head of state.
The move by the armed forces appears to have resolved a bitter battle to succeed the 93-year-old president, which had pitted his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, against Mugabe’s wife, Grac
First lady Grace Mugabe reportedly out of country as military says in statement that it is ‘targeting criminals’ around 93-year-old presidentMnangagwa was reported to have returned to Zimbabwe on Tuesday evening from South Africa, where he fled last week after being stripped of his office by Mugabe in an apparent attempt to clear Grace Mugabe’s path to power.There were unconfirmed reports that Grace was in Namibia on Wednesday on business.
Read full story here
Thousands Petition Rwanda Government To Release Kagame's Critics
Culled from Africanews.com
Presidential hopeful and critic of Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame has been in prison together with her sister and mother since September 22 over charges they describe as politically motivated.35-year-old Diane Rwigara who was disqualified from running against Kagame in the August presidential election is charged with forgery and inciting insurrection during her bid to run for president.
She is also charged with evading taxes of nearly Rwf5 billion ($6 million) together with her sister Anne Rwigara and mother Adeline Rwigara who are also accused of inciting insurrection and promoting sectarianism.
They pleaded not guilty and said their arrest and detention are politically motivated. The three were refused bail pending trial on the tax evasion allegations related to the family’s tobacco company.
Click here to read more
Presidential hopeful and critic of Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame has been in prison together with her sister and mother since September 22 over charges they describe as politically motivated.35-year-old Diane Rwigara who was disqualified from running against Kagame in the August presidential election is charged with forgery and inciting insurrection during her bid to run for president.
She is also charged with evading taxes of nearly Rwf5 billion ($6 million) together with her sister Anne Rwigara and mother Adeline Rwigara who are also accused of inciting insurrection and promoting sectarianism.
They pleaded not guilty and said their arrest and detention are politically motivated. The three were refused bail pending trial on the tax evasion allegations related to the family’s tobacco company.
Click here to read more
Zimbabwe's Ousted Vice President Flees After Death Threats
By Desmond Kumbuka, Godfrey Marawanyika and Brian Latham
www.bloomberg.com
Former Zimbabwean Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa fled the southern African nation because of “incessant threats” against him and his family two days after he was fired by President Robert Mugabe.
Mnangagwa, 75, said Wednesday in a statement that he never planned to harm Mugabe, who he’s been supporting for more than four decades, and pledged to work to establish a “new and progressive leadership” in the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front. “You and your cohorts will instead leave Zanu-PF by the will of the people and this we will do in the coming few weeks,” he told Mugabe.
Click here to read more
As ZANU-PF members call for Grace Mugabe to take over as V-P
Courtesy Bulawayo News 24
The Zanu-PF youth league has thrown its weight behind First Lady Grace Mugabe's bid to succeed fired Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was relieved of his government duties yesterday by President Robert Mugabe.
Addressing journalists in Harare yesterday, Zanu-PF youth league secretary Kudzanai Chipanga said they had started lobbying other party structures to dump Mnangagwa and replace him with Grace.
"The Zanu-PF youth league is fully behind the secretary for women's affairs, Dr Amai Grace Mugabe, in calling for the urgent removal of Cde Mnangagwa from the position of Vice-President both in the party and government. That position is a straitjacket and must be handed back to the women's league," Chipanga said earlier in the day before Mnangagwa was fired.
He claimed that Grace had already proved to be nationally acceptable as the ruling party prepares for the 2018 general elections.
"It has ignited us to take interest and position in the selection of a woman Vice-President candidate. It has to be one who is acceptable and with unquestionable loyalty to the party and its principal, the President, Cde RG Mugabe, and more importantly, one without ambitions to work against the President. The only person possessing such qualities is the leader of the women's league, none other than Her Excellency the First Lady of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Amai Dr Grace Mugabe," he said.
Chipanga apologised to the First Family for the public humiliation and booing they endured in Bulawayo on Saturday at the hands of Mnangagwa's suspected allies.
"We apologise to the President for the unruly behaviour by some Zanu-PF supporters and we are going to make sure that they are dealt with effectively for embarrassing our President," he said.
"We are in charge of those interface rallies and when we host them our intention is not to embarrass the President."
The Press conference was held before Mugabe fired Mnangagwa from his government position.
www.bloomberg.com
Former Zimbabwean Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa fled the southern African nation because of “incessant threats” against him and his family two days after he was fired by President Robert Mugabe.
Mnangagwa, 75, said Wednesday in a statement that he never planned to harm Mugabe, who he’s been supporting for more than four decades, and pledged to work to establish a “new and progressive leadership” in the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front. “You and your cohorts will instead leave Zanu-PF by the will of the people and this we will do in the coming few weeks,” he told Mugabe.
Click here to read more
As ZANU-PF members call for Grace Mugabe to take over as V-P
Courtesy Bulawayo News 24
The Zanu-PF youth league has thrown its weight behind First Lady Grace Mugabe's bid to succeed fired Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was relieved of his government duties yesterday by President Robert Mugabe.
Addressing journalists in Harare yesterday, Zanu-PF youth league secretary Kudzanai Chipanga said they had started lobbying other party structures to dump Mnangagwa and replace him with Grace.
"The Zanu-PF youth league is fully behind the secretary for women's affairs, Dr Amai Grace Mugabe, in calling for the urgent removal of Cde Mnangagwa from the position of Vice-President both in the party and government. That position is a straitjacket and must be handed back to the women's league," Chipanga said earlier in the day before Mnangagwa was fired.
He claimed that Grace had already proved to be nationally acceptable as the ruling party prepares for the 2018 general elections.
"It has ignited us to take interest and position in the selection of a woman Vice-President candidate. It has to be one who is acceptable and with unquestionable loyalty to the party and its principal, the President, Cde RG Mugabe, and more importantly, one without ambitions to work against the President. The only person possessing such qualities is the leader of the women's league, none other than Her Excellency the First Lady of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Amai Dr Grace Mugabe," he said.
Chipanga apologised to the First Family for the public humiliation and booing they endured in Bulawayo on Saturday at the hands of Mnangagwa's suspected allies.
"We apologise to the President for the unruly behaviour by some Zanu-PF supporters and we are going to make sure that they are dealt with effectively for embarrassing our President," he said.
"We are in charge of those interface rallies and when we host them our intention is not to embarrass the President."
The Press conference was held before Mugabe fired Mnangagwa from his government position.
Liberian Election. Court Halts Presidential Runoff
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Culled From The Guardian
Liberia’s supreme court has ordered a halt to preparations for next week’s runoff election amid allegations of fraud in the first round.
The former footballer George Weah had been set to go head to head with Joseph Boakai, the country’s current deputy president, next Wednesday, vying to take over from Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as her 12 years in power come to an end.
But after the first round, one of the losing parties lodged a complaint with the national elections commission, saying that there had been late opening of polls and lack of queue control as well as outright fraud. The supreme court has issued a temporary injunction to delay the runoff while it looks into these allegations.
Officials of the national elections commission (NEC) were ordered to appear at the court on Thursday morning to respond to the complaint.
“The high court of the land has spoken and we will act accordingly in keeping with the laws of the country,” said the NEC spokesman, Henry Flomo.
Click here to read more
Liberia’s supreme court has ordered a halt to preparations for next week’s runoff election amid allegations of fraud in the first round.
The former footballer George Weah had been set to go head to head with Joseph Boakai, the country’s current deputy president, next Wednesday, vying to take over from Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as her 12 years in power come to an end.
But after the first round, one of the losing parties lodged a complaint with the national elections commission, saying that there had been late opening of polls and lack of queue control as well as outright fraud. The supreme court has issued a temporary injunction to delay the runoff while it looks into these allegations.
Officials of the national elections commission (NEC) were ordered to appear at the court on Thursday morning to respond to the complaint.
“The high court of the land has spoken and we will act accordingly in keeping with the laws of the country,” said the NEC spokesman, Henry Flomo.
Click here to read more
Ghana Hosts African Air Show 2017
Culled from Modern Ghana
The first ever African Air Show 2017, hosted by Ghana's Ministry of Aviation and the Ghana Airports Company Limited has begun in Accra with a call on stakeholders in African aviation to innovate and collaborate to move the industry forward.
Ms. Iyabo Sosina, Secretary General of the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC), said there was room for further improvement in the air transport value chain that African countries could take advantage of through innovation and collaboration among all stakeholders.
This, she said, would ensure a safe, secure, reliable and economically efficient air transport in Africa.
Speaking at a ceremony to open the conference on Tuesday ahead of the official opening of the Air Show by President Akuffo Addo on Wednesday, Ms Sosina said given that aviation was recognised as a very powerful tool for economic development, and that average annual passenger growth rate in Africa was estimated at 5.7 percent, there was the need for increased investment in the sector.
'These investments should be in the areas of infrastructure development, human capital development, funding for aircrafts and equipment among others, for improved and reliable interconnectivity, especially in light of the challenges in moving from one city to another within Africa.
'A close analysis of the civil aviation problems in Africa reveals commonalities in almost all the states and thus I'm of the view that overcoming these challenges will require commitment, collaboration, cooperation and synergy of efforts among states, organisations, donors and all stakeholders,' she stated.
Ms Iyabo commended Ghana and the GACL for the organisation of the Air Show, saying the exhibition and conference was the first of its kind in West Africa and most recent in Africa, and will engage major players within the African and global aviation space with a view of positioning the African aviation industry at the forefront of regional and global interest.
It is also expected to provide a forum for stakeholders to interact with prospective investors in the development of Ghana and Africa's aviation infrastructure and services and bring them up to speed with the dynamics of the industry through the sharing of experiences.
Mr Raphael Kuuchi, Vice President for Africa, International Air Transport Association (IATA) said the timing of the event was commendable as the African air transport market was forecast by IATA to be the fastest growing of all the world's regions, over the next 20 years.
'Passenger traffic in Africa will grow at seven percent per annum over the next 20 years. In other words, some 257 million more passengers will be added to the current 130 million passengers flying in Africa,' he said, adding that the industry, last year, contributed to 6.8 million jobs and $72.5 billion to the GDP od Africa economies.
The first ever African Air Show 2017, hosted by Ghana's Ministry of Aviation and the Ghana Airports Company Limited has begun in Accra with a call on stakeholders in African aviation to innovate and collaborate to move the industry forward.
Ms. Iyabo Sosina, Secretary General of the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC), said there was room for further improvement in the air transport value chain that African countries could take advantage of through innovation and collaboration among all stakeholders.
This, she said, would ensure a safe, secure, reliable and economically efficient air transport in Africa.
Speaking at a ceremony to open the conference on Tuesday ahead of the official opening of the Air Show by President Akuffo Addo on Wednesday, Ms Sosina said given that aviation was recognised as a very powerful tool for economic development, and that average annual passenger growth rate in Africa was estimated at 5.7 percent, there was the need for increased investment in the sector.
'These investments should be in the areas of infrastructure development, human capital development, funding for aircrafts and equipment among others, for improved and reliable interconnectivity, especially in light of the challenges in moving from one city to another within Africa.
'A close analysis of the civil aviation problems in Africa reveals commonalities in almost all the states and thus I'm of the view that overcoming these challenges will require commitment, collaboration, cooperation and synergy of efforts among states, organisations, donors and all stakeholders,' she stated.
Ms Iyabo commended Ghana and the GACL for the organisation of the Air Show, saying the exhibition and conference was the first of its kind in West Africa and most recent in Africa, and will engage major players within the African and global aviation space with a view of positioning the African aviation industry at the forefront of regional and global interest.
It is also expected to provide a forum for stakeholders to interact with prospective investors in the development of Ghana and Africa's aviation infrastructure and services and bring them up to speed with the dynamics of the industry through the sharing of experiences.
Mr Raphael Kuuchi, Vice President for Africa, International Air Transport Association (IATA) said the timing of the event was commendable as the African air transport market was forecast by IATA to be the fastest growing of all the world's regions, over the next 20 years.
'Passenger traffic in Africa will grow at seven percent per annum over the next 20 years. In other words, some 257 million more passengers will be added to the current 130 million passengers flying in Africa,' he said, adding that the industry, last year, contributed to 6.8 million jobs and $72.5 billion to the GDP od Africa economies.
Mozambique Fights Corruption. ...arrests 22 over $6.4m ghost payments
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Courtesy Africa News
Mozambican authorities have arrested twenty-two government workers – mainly traffic police officers for their involvement in a ghost payment scandal that has cost the country over $6.4m.
According to the anti-graft body, the Mozambican Central Office for the Fight Against Corruption, the fraud took place over a three months period – from July to September 2017.
The BBC reports that the body’s spokesman Cristovao Mondlane confirmed that 18 of the 22 detainees were caught in the act.
“These state workers retrieve the money claiming to be paying for services provided by ghost companies – set up by them or relatives.
“These relatives do not even meet the prerequisites to be awarded bids. And even without providing any service to the state they are paid. Sometimes, the money is stolen through over-invoicing.”
The southern African country has placed low in corruption reports whiles its laws on anti-corruption are also not fully enforced. The judiciary, police and public services are seen as places where corruption is very rife.
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Ghana. Train Derails.....many Injured
Picture courtesy of Modern Ghana.
A train derailed this morning at Alajo, in Ghana’s capital, Accra. Initial report says there are a number of injuries but no deaths have been reported.
A train derailed this morning at Alajo, in Ghana’s capital, Accra. Initial report says there are a number of injuries but no deaths have been reported.
Liberian Elections 2017. Run Off Set For November 7
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Africa News.
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with NEC LIBERIA
Liberia’s National Elections Commission (NEC) on Thursday released full results of the October 10 general elections. The body further confirmed a run-off vote between the two top candidates for the presidency.
Ex-football star, George Weah of the Congress For Democratic Change (CDC) will face current vice-president, Joseph Boakai of the ruling Unity Party (UP) in a race to succeed Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
Sirleaf won elections in 2006 to become the continent’s first democratically elected female leader. She won a second term in 2011. She will handover to winner of the run-off – the second president after the end of the 2003 civil war.
The NEC beat the official deadline for the announcement of final results by six clear days. It had till October 25 to announce full results as per electoral laws.
After collating results from the 5390 polling places across the country, the following results and facts were ascertained:
Weah, George Manneh of CDC polled 596,037 votes (38.4%)
Boakai, Joseph Nyuma of UP polled 446,716 votes (28.8%)
Brumskine, Cahles Walker of LP polled 149,495 votes (9.6%)
Johnson, Prince Y. of MDR polled 127,666 votes (8.2%)
Cummings, Alexander B. of ANC polled 112,067 votes (7.2%)
Urey, Benoni Wilfred of ALP polled 24,246 votes (1.6%)
The 14 other contenders each got less than one percent of the total valid votes cast. NECgave the voter turn out as 1,641,922 voters representing 75.2%.
The need for a second round is because none of the candidates got 50%+1 required. It is the third staraight third round scenario. It is Weah’s second run-off from a winning position.
He won the 2005 vote but lost the run-off to incumbent Johnson Sirleaf. Already merger talks have been established by both camps as they move to consolidate efforts towards November 7.
The polls roundly received good reviews from observer bodies from the ECOWAS, the African Union, the European Union and United Nations.
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with NEC LIBERIA
Liberia’s National Elections Commission (NEC) on Thursday released full results of the October 10 general elections. The body further confirmed a run-off vote between the two top candidates for the presidency.
Ex-football star, George Weah of the Congress For Democratic Change (CDC) will face current vice-president, Joseph Boakai of the ruling Unity Party (UP) in a race to succeed Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
Sirleaf won elections in 2006 to become the continent’s first democratically elected female leader. She won a second term in 2011. She will handover to winner of the run-off – the second president after the end of the 2003 civil war.
The NEC beat the official deadline for the announcement of final results by six clear days. It had till October 25 to announce full results as per electoral laws.
After collating results from the 5390 polling places across the country, the following results and facts were ascertained:
Weah, George Manneh of CDC polled 596,037 votes (38.4%)
Boakai, Joseph Nyuma of UP polled 446,716 votes (28.8%)
Brumskine, Cahles Walker of LP polled 149,495 votes (9.6%)
Johnson, Prince Y. of MDR polled 127,666 votes (8.2%)
Cummings, Alexander B. of ANC polled 112,067 votes (7.2%)
Urey, Benoni Wilfred of ALP polled 24,246 votes (1.6%)
The 14 other contenders each got less than one percent of the total valid votes cast. NECgave the voter turn out as 1,641,922 voters representing 75.2%.
The need for a second round is because none of the candidates got 50%+1 required. It is the third staraight third round scenario. It is Weah’s second run-off from a winning position.
He won the 2005 vote but lost the run-off to incumbent Johnson Sirleaf. Already merger talks have been established by both camps as they move to consolidate efforts towards November 7.
The polls roundly received good reviews from observer bodies from the ECOWAS, the African Union, the European Union and United Nations.
Kenyan Election Official Flees. Claims Presidential Vote Will Not Be Free
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Culled From The Guardian
A senior Kenyan electoral official has resigned and fled the country, in a new blow to the country’s presidential vote due to be held in eight days’ time.
Roselyn Akombe quit as a commissioner of Kenya’s electoral board by issuing a statement from New York saying the rerun of the presidential election scheduled for 26 October cannot be free and fair.
“I do not want to be party to such a mockery to electoral integrity,” Akombe said in a statement.
The flight of such a high-profile electoral official underlines the growing crisis in the east Africa state, long seen as a bastion of relative political stability in a volatile region.
The US-educated former United Nations official told the BBC she had fled from Kenya to New York after receiving numerous threats but did not identify who was threatening her.
“This election as planned cannot meet the basic expectations of a credible election,” said Akombe, who was one of seven election board commissioners.
Click here to read more
A senior Kenyan electoral official has resigned and fled the country, in a new blow to the country’s presidential vote due to be held in eight days’ time.
Roselyn Akombe quit as a commissioner of Kenya’s electoral board by issuing a statement from New York saying the rerun of the presidential election scheduled for 26 October cannot be free and fair.
“I do not want to be party to such a mockery to electoral integrity,” Akombe said in a statement.
The flight of such a high-profile electoral official underlines the growing crisis in the east Africa state, long seen as a bastion of relative political stability in a volatile region.
The US-educated former United Nations official told the BBC she had fled from Kenya to New York after receiving numerous threats but did not identify who was threatening her.
“This election as planned cannot meet the basic expectations of a credible election,” said Akombe, who was one of seven election board commissioners.
Click here to read more
Ghana Launches Digital Property Addressing System
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Culled from CitiFMonline, Accra.
The National Digital Property Addressing System, also known as the Ghana Post GPS, has been launched with President Nana Akufo-Addo urging Ghanaians from various sectors to take advantage of it.
Speaking at the launch, President Akufo-Addo expressed the hope that this new address database will create an avenue for new businesses, and aid systematic revenue collection by the likes the Ghana Water Company and local government.
The President said he expected the relevant institutions to “liaise with the Ministry of Communication and Ghana Post, who are the custodians and administrators of the system, to leverage on this technology to enhance their operations.”
The system, which was designed by Ghanaian information technology firm, Vokacom, will provide every Ghanaian with an effective means of addressing every location and place in the country, using an information technology application.
The lack of an efficient addressing system forces Ghanaians to develop a culture of relying on directions from people navigating areas via basic landmarks like shops, drains or electricity poles in some cases.
Click here to read more
South Africa. Why Zuma Reshuffled Cabinet Again
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Culled from News 24
By Adriaan Basson
Desperation to push through the R1-trillion nuclear deal and gatvolness with SACP leader Blade Nzimande’s criticism of his leadership ahead of the ANC’s elective conference are probably the main reasons behind President Jacob Zuma’s most recent Cabinet reshuffle.
The reshuffle, that saw Nzimande chopped from the Cabinet, four ministers changing portfolios and the introduction of loudmouth ANC MP Bongani Bongo as minister of intelligence, is part of Zuma’s fightback campaign to reclaim authority over a deeply fractured governing party.
The axing brings an end to a decade-long bromance between Zuma and the communists, who were at the forefront of lobbying for the corruption charges against Zuma to be dropped and for president Thabo Mbeki to be recalled.
Click here to read more
By Adriaan Basson
Desperation to push through the R1-trillion nuclear deal and gatvolness with SACP leader Blade Nzimande’s criticism of his leadership ahead of the ANC’s elective conference are probably the main reasons behind President Jacob Zuma’s most recent Cabinet reshuffle.
The reshuffle, that saw Nzimande chopped from the Cabinet, four ministers changing portfolios and the introduction of loudmouth ANC MP Bongani Bongo as minister of intelligence, is part of Zuma’s fightback campaign to reclaim authority over a deeply fractured governing party.
The axing brings an end to a decade-long bromance between Zuma and the communists, who were at the forefront of lobbying for the corruption charges against Zuma to be dropped and for president Thabo Mbeki to be recalled.
Click here to read more
Special Analysis. Burundi, East Africa And the ECOWAS EXAMPLE
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Burundi, East Africa and the ECOWAS example
The world looked the other way when President Pierre Nkurunziza altered his country’s Constitution to pave the way for him to run for another term in office in Burundi. That act of his was backed by the country’s Constitutional Court in May 2015, resulting in the breakdown of law and order from which the East African country has not recovered ever since.
It is unthinkable that the African Union (AU) would turn its face away from such brazen rape on the Burundian Constitution and even more bizarre that the United Nations (UN) would do the same. The elders (former Presidents such as Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki to mention a few), seem not to have risen to the occasion as well, at least publicly. The seeming silence of these organisations and eminent persons portends grave danger for the region and continent because we have since seen President Paul Kagame toe the same line, while President Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has remained in office in spite of the fact that his tenure has since ended.
While Rwanda’s Kagame won what was referred to by observers as a free and fair election, the clock of democracy on the African continent is gradually being turned back by the barefaced tampering with sacred constitutional provisions by suspicious judicial processes which leave no one in doubt that those processes were anything but transparent, nor were they representative of the will of the population.
East African countries can borrow a leaf from those countries in West Africa where coups or other unconstitutional methods of changing power have been outlawed. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has severally reversed such unacceptable ways of changing power, including in Sierra Leone (even during its armed conflict), Togo (when President Faure Gnassingbe Eyadema was foistered on the country by the military after the passing away of his father), Cote d’Ivoire (outing of President Laurent Gbagbo for Alasan Ouattara), Guinea-Bissau (illegal removal of President Kumba Yallah) and as recently as a few months back in The Gambia, when President Yayyah Jammeh refused to respect the electoral verdict that had thrown him out. He was forced out by the regional military force, ECOMIG, to ensure the subsequent installation of the rightful winner of the poll, President Adama Barrow. Even Sao Tome & Principe, a non-ECOWAS member, got the support of ECOWAS to reinstate its President (Menezes) after the island nation’s army had ousted him while he was attending a meeting in Nigeria in the mid-2000.
Why the AU has not endorsed the ECOWAS approach for other regional blocs to emulate beats the imagination. While it is true that some extra-regional powers are interested in the continued retention in power of certain dictators, the AU has a moral obligation to side with the people of those countries that have become captive to big power political intrigues and sit-tight despots.
The situation in Burundi is worrisome and will not disappear unless addressed holistically by competent regional and international organisations in ways which satisfy the generality of the people of that country. Ignoring the worsening violence and attendant mayhem that Nkurunziza’s unconstitutional act has generated and failing to confront him is akin to fiddling while the East African region is gradually being set alight.
The world looked the other way when President Pierre Nkurunziza altered his country’s Constitution to pave the way for him to run for another term in office in Burundi. That act of his was backed by the country’s Constitutional Court in May 2015, resulting in the breakdown of law and order from which the East African country has not recovered ever since.
It is unthinkable that the African Union (AU) would turn its face away from such brazen rape on the Burundian Constitution and even more bizarre that the United Nations (UN) would do the same. The elders (former Presidents such as Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki to mention a few), seem not to have risen to the occasion as well, at least publicly. The seeming silence of these organisations and eminent persons portends grave danger for the region and continent because we have since seen President Paul Kagame toe the same line, while President Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has remained in office in spite of the fact that his tenure has since ended.
While Rwanda’s Kagame won what was referred to by observers as a free and fair election, the clock of democracy on the African continent is gradually being turned back by the barefaced tampering with sacred constitutional provisions by suspicious judicial processes which leave no one in doubt that those processes were anything but transparent, nor were they representative of the will of the population.
East African countries can borrow a leaf from those countries in West Africa where coups or other unconstitutional methods of changing power have been outlawed. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has severally reversed such unacceptable ways of changing power, including in Sierra Leone (even during its armed conflict), Togo (when President Faure Gnassingbe Eyadema was foistered on the country by the military after the passing away of his father), Cote d’Ivoire (outing of President Laurent Gbagbo for Alasan Ouattara), Guinea-Bissau (illegal removal of President Kumba Yallah) and as recently as a few months back in The Gambia, when President Yayyah Jammeh refused to respect the electoral verdict that had thrown him out. He was forced out by the regional military force, ECOMIG, to ensure the subsequent installation of the rightful winner of the poll, President Adama Barrow. Even Sao Tome & Principe, a non-ECOWAS member, got the support of ECOWAS to reinstate its President (Menezes) after the island nation’s army had ousted him while he was attending a meeting in Nigeria in the mid-2000.
Why the AU has not endorsed the ECOWAS approach for other regional blocs to emulate beats the imagination. While it is true that some extra-regional powers are interested in the continued retention in power of certain dictators, the AU has a moral obligation to side with the people of those countries that have become captive to big power political intrigues and sit-tight despots.
The situation in Burundi is worrisome and will not disappear unless addressed holistically by competent regional and international organisations in ways which satisfy the generality of the people of that country. Ignoring the worsening violence and attendant mayhem that Nkurunziza’s unconstitutional act has generated and failing to confront him is akin to fiddling while the East African region is gradually being set alight.
Football. Nigeria's Super Eagles Becomes First African Team To Qualify for 2018 World Cup Finals.
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Daily Post NG
Nigeria became the first African country to qualify for the 2018 World Cup in Russia, after they beat Zambia 1-0 at the Godswill Akpabio Stadium in Uyo, the Akwa Ibom state capital.
The first half of the encounter ended goalless, with the Chipolopolo the better side, troubling the Super Eagles with their pace in attack.
Click here to read more
Nigeria became the first African country to qualify for the 2018 World Cup in Russia, after they beat Zambia 1-0 at the Godswill Akpabio Stadium in Uyo, the Akwa Ibom state capital.
The first half of the encounter ended goalless, with the Chipolopolo the better side, troubling the Super Eagles with their pace in attack.
Click here to read more
Supermarkets Are Creating Obesity Crisis In African Countries
The Guardian
Changing dietary habits are creating an obesity crisis in African countries as middle-class people buy their food from supermarkets rather than eating food they grow, a group of international food security experts has warned.
A report by the Malabo Montpellier Panel, a group of agriculture and food experts, claims obesity is becoming a significant challenge for governments, agencies and the private sector in African countries, many of which are already dealing with malnutrition and stunting. Diabetes is also on the rise, said the panel.
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Kenya's University of Nairobi Shut Down.
By DAILY NATION
The University of Nairobi has been closed indefinitely following recent student unrest.
The students were ordered to vacate halls of residence by Tuesday 9am.
The university's Senate resolved to close the institution citing security concerns, the university's director of Corporate Affairs John Orindi said.
About 27 students were last Thursday injured during fracas in which police were captured on camera assaulting students in their hostels, lecture halls and within the university.
The police had stormed the institution to stop students from protesting the arrest of Embakasi East MP Paul Ongili popularly known as Babu Owino.
The former student leader, Babu Owino, is facing various charges including subversion and uttering abusive words against President Uhuru Kenyatta.
Click here to read more
The University of Nairobi has been closed indefinitely following recent student unrest.
The students were ordered to vacate halls of residence by Tuesday 9am.
The university's Senate resolved to close the institution citing security concerns, the university's director of Corporate Affairs John Orindi said.
About 27 students were last Thursday injured during fracas in which police were captured on camera assaulting students in their hostels, lecture halls and within the university.
The police had stormed the institution to stop students from protesting the arrest of Embakasi East MP Paul Ongili popularly known as Babu Owino.
The former student leader, Babu Owino, is facing various charges including subversion and uttering abusive words against President Uhuru Kenyatta.
Click here to read more
CAMEROON. PRESIDENT DEPLOYS SOLDIERS AGAINST SECESSIONISTS
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Culled from African News
Cameroonian President Paul Biya has dispatched the military to the South West and North West Regions of the country ahead of independence day on October 1 to face off secessionists.
The military deployment was officially announced by the Governor of the South West Region Bernard Okalia Bilai on Thursday after restricting movement of people and vehicles, closing all public places and banning meetings.
“Following repeated threats propagated by secessionists through the social media, their Southern Cameroon Broadcasting Corporation and tracts to mislead public opinion and destabilize our country;
“The Head of State has ordered and mobilized the Army to protect the territorial integrity of the Nation as well as guarantee the security of all law-abiding persons and their property in conformity with the provisions of our Constitution,” he said in a statement.
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Cameroonian President Paul Biya has dispatched the military to the South West and North West Regions of the country ahead of independence day on October 1 to face off secessionists.
The military deployment was officially announced by the Governor of the South West Region Bernard Okalia Bilai on Thursday after restricting movement of people and vehicles, closing all public places and banning meetings.
“Following repeated threats propagated by secessionists through the social media, their Southern Cameroon Broadcasting Corporation and tracts to mislead public opinion and destabilize our country;
“The Head of State has ordered and mobilized the Army to protect the territorial integrity of the Nation as well as guarantee the security of all law-abiding persons and their property in conformity with the provisions of our Constitution,” he said in a statement.
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SOUTH AFRICA. MORE TROUBLE FOR PRESIDENT ZUMA AS PROTESTS MOUNT
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Culled from The Citizen
Striking workers in Cape Town delivered what they called “a present” to President Jacob Zuma on Wednesday — calling on the State to stop dragging its feet in establishing a judicial inquiry into state capture.Some of the city centre’s busiest streets were turned into a sea of red as members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) protested against state capture and corruption.
The most prominent placard on display read: “Zuma must go”.
“We didn’t fight apartheid to replace a white devil with a black devil,” Cosatu Western Cape secretary Tony Ehrenreich said while addressing the crowd at Parliament where a memorandum was handed over to representatives of the national legislature and big business in the Western Cape.
In the memorandum, Cosatu demanded, among others, that Zuma immediately set a date to establish a judicial inquiry into state capture.
“The state and state institutions must refuse to deal with the predatory elite, and in particular cancel all commercial dealings with the Gupta family with immediately effect,” the memorandum said.
In addition, the Asset Forfeiture Unit should seize all the assets of the Guptas because Cosatu did not believe the “enormous” resources accumulated by the family — who are close allies of Zuma — were legitimately secured.
Deputy Public Works Minister, who relinquished his position as South African Communist Party (SACP) first deputy general secretary, Jeremy Cronin joined protesters.
Click here to read more
Striking workers in Cape Town delivered what they called “a present” to President Jacob Zuma on Wednesday — calling on the State to stop dragging its feet in establishing a judicial inquiry into state capture.Some of the city centre’s busiest streets were turned into a sea of red as members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) protested against state capture and corruption.
The most prominent placard on display read: “Zuma must go”.
“We didn’t fight apartheid to replace a white devil with a black devil,” Cosatu Western Cape secretary Tony Ehrenreich said while addressing the crowd at Parliament where a memorandum was handed over to representatives of the national legislature and big business in the Western Cape.
In the memorandum, Cosatu demanded, among others, that Zuma immediately set a date to establish a judicial inquiry into state capture.
“The state and state institutions must refuse to deal with the predatory elite, and in particular cancel all commercial dealings with the Gupta family with immediately effect,” the memorandum said.
In addition, the Asset Forfeiture Unit should seize all the assets of the Guptas because Cosatu did not believe the “enormous” resources accumulated by the family — who are close allies of Zuma — were legitimately secured.
Deputy Public Works Minister, who relinquished his position as South African Communist Party (SACP) first deputy general secretary, Jeremy Cronin joined protesters.
Click here to read more
NIGERIA'S 57th INDEPENDENCE ANNIVERSARY SPECIAL
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Nigeria’s reluctance to celebrate what unites its people
It is incredible how successive political administrations in Nigeria have diminished the power that significant watershed events have to unite their people. For example and in particular, the celebration of that country’s Independence Day has often been downgraded in recent years for various reasons. It happened under the Late President Umaru Yar’Aradu, as it did under President Jonathan, and lately, under President Muhammadu Buhari . Some government watchers we spoke to suggest that the non-celebration of the country’s national day for some years under these three Presidents could be for three main reasons: the ill-health of Yar’Aradua, the security threats under Jonathan and the astronomical budget proposed for it (and later, ill-health as well of the President) under Buhari. In the three cases, the public reason given for non-celebration of the watershed was the poor economic situation in the country.
In taking a holistic look at this issue, we spoke to some experts on nation-building and state formation in the developing south. In their responses to our question, they expressed worry that Nigeria, by refusing to celebrate its national day, is actually eroding the power of such event to unite the nation and demonstrate the will and capacity of the state to neutralise all threats to its health. They cite developed and developing countries that have consistently celebrated their own national watershed events regardless of the economic situation their countries may have been in at that material time to buttress their point.
Furthermore, some military experts in Lagos told Gaskiya.net that it should not cost a fortune to celebrate these events because the air force and army (the only two out of the country’s three armed services required for such events in landlocked Abuja) normally fly and drive their tanks in peace time, during training exercises and other routine military activities. They therefore wonder why it should cost anything extra to display their platforms during national day celebrations.
Not a few observers criticised the citing of security threats as reasons for not marking the national day (even though this reason was never officially listed), suggesting that if the security forces cannot secure a small area and its adjoining access ways within Nigeria’s compact federal capital, how would they assure citizens that they can secure the whole country?
Indeed Gaskiya.net shares the sentiments of our respondents. We believe too that aspects of Nigeria’s national day celebrations ought to be reviewed. For example, the President should not be required to stand for hours on end while the military parades. Once he gives permission to the parade commander to commence the parade, he should take his seat and watch like anyone else. Furthermore, people should be barred from the parade ground itself and only participating formations, reasonable number of accredited security personnel providing VIP protection and the media legitimately covering the celebrations should be allowed on the grounds. Security and good TV coverage in past celebrations, when they took place, had been undermined by large unruly crowds thronging the periphery of the Eagle Square venue of the event.
There is no reason why Nigeria, the largest black nation in the world, biggest economy in Africa and major military power should shy away from celebrating national watershed events which serve as a platform for re-affirming the nation’s unity, inspiring its youth, assuring the old and sending clear and unambiguous messages to enemies within and without that it is still in business and will neutralise threats to its well-being and greatness.
It is incredible how successive political administrations in Nigeria have diminished the power that significant watershed events have to unite their people. For example and in particular, the celebration of that country’s Independence Day has often been downgraded in recent years for various reasons. It happened under the Late President Umaru Yar’Aradu, as it did under President Jonathan, and lately, under President Muhammadu Buhari . Some government watchers we spoke to suggest that the non-celebration of the country’s national day for some years under these three Presidents could be for three main reasons: the ill-health of Yar’Aradua, the security threats under Jonathan and the astronomical budget proposed for it (and later, ill-health as well of the President) under Buhari. In the three cases, the public reason given for non-celebration of the watershed was the poor economic situation in the country.
In taking a holistic look at this issue, we spoke to some experts on nation-building and state formation in the developing south. In their responses to our question, they expressed worry that Nigeria, by refusing to celebrate its national day, is actually eroding the power of such event to unite the nation and demonstrate the will and capacity of the state to neutralise all threats to its health. They cite developed and developing countries that have consistently celebrated their own national watershed events regardless of the economic situation their countries may have been in at that material time to buttress their point.
Furthermore, some military experts in Lagos told Gaskiya.net that it should not cost a fortune to celebrate these events because the air force and army (the only two out of the country’s three armed services required for such events in landlocked Abuja) normally fly and drive their tanks in peace time, during training exercises and other routine military activities. They therefore wonder why it should cost anything extra to display their platforms during national day celebrations.
Not a few observers criticised the citing of security threats as reasons for not marking the national day (even though this reason was never officially listed), suggesting that if the security forces cannot secure a small area and its adjoining access ways within Nigeria’s compact federal capital, how would they assure citizens that they can secure the whole country?
Indeed Gaskiya.net shares the sentiments of our respondents. We believe too that aspects of Nigeria’s national day celebrations ought to be reviewed. For example, the President should not be required to stand for hours on end while the military parades. Once he gives permission to the parade commander to commence the parade, he should take his seat and watch like anyone else. Furthermore, people should be barred from the parade ground itself and only participating formations, reasonable number of accredited security personnel providing VIP protection and the media legitimately covering the celebrations should be allowed on the grounds. Security and good TV coverage in past celebrations, when they took place, had been undermined by large unruly crowds thronging the periphery of the Eagle Square venue of the event.
There is no reason why Nigeria, the largest black nation in the world, biggest economy in Africa and major military power should shy away from celebrating national watershed events which serve as a platform for re-affirming the nation’s unity, inspiring its youth, assuring the old and sending clear and unambiguous messages to enemies within and without that it is still in business and will neutralise threats to its well-being and greatness.
NIGERIA TURN ON CLASS TO THRASH CAMEROON 4-0
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Drone Delivery. East Africa Leads The World.
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Paul Kagame. Rwandans Understand The Greater Goal
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How Nigeria Captured Boko Haram Stronghold - President Buhari
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World News. How Fidel Castro Helped Africa-Cuito Cuanavale Revisited.
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Culled from The Nation Nigeria.
Nigerians yesterday received one of the most soul-lifting messages yet from President Mohammadu Buhari: the routing of the terror sect Boko Haram from its stronghold of Sambisa Forest in Borno State. The entire 1300 square kilometre forest fell into the hands of the soldiers at about 1.35pm on Thursday, according to Buhari in what he himself called “the long-awaited and most gratifying news.” He said he was delighted at the news and “most proud of the gallant troops,” which made it all possible. He particularly acknowledged “the determination, courage and resilience of troops of Operation Lafiya Dole at finally entering and crushing the remnants of the Boko Haram insurgents at ‘Camp Zero’, which is located deep within the heart of Sambisa Forest.” Read the full story here |
By Piero Gleijeses
Culled from the Mail & Guardian . South Africa This year marks the 20th anniversary of the opening of the battle of Cuito Cuanavale, in south-eastern Angola, which pitted the armed forces of apartheid South Africa against the Cuban army and Angolan forces. General Magnus Malan writes in his memoirs that this campaign marked a great victory for the South African Defence Force (SADF). But Nelson Mandela could not disagree more: Cuito Cuanavale, he asserted, “was the turning point for the liberation of our continent—and of my people—from the scourge of apartheid”. Debate over the significance of Cuito Cuanavale has been intense, partly because the relevant South African documents remain classified. Read the full story at www.mg.co.za |
Fidel Castro Africa's Friend Goes Home
Fidel Castro—Africa’s friend goes home!
The world stands still for a man who came out of a hitherto geographically and demographically ‘insignificant’ country to constantly challenge the status quo in international power politics and transform his country, generation and continent into incontestable reckoning.
At the head of a famous uprising from the inner recesses of the Sierra Maestra Mountains onto the boulevards of Havana to remove DictatorFulgencio Batista on January 1 1959, he would become a well-respected revolutionary, a motivational leader, and the global icon of the resistance to imperialism.
Comandante Fidel, or, as he would rather be addressed-Camarada Fidel, turned the island nation of Cuba into a powerhouse for the universal anti-imperialist and anti-colonial movement. He, together with the purist, Ernesto Che Guevara, would galvanise nations and inspire resistance against colonial regimes worldwide. Castro gave all of the little that Cuba had to support such movements in Africa and it was in that continent that his impact would be felt by the imperialist alliance.
Fidel sent Cuban troops to fight against colonial and racist armies in Angola and in southern Africa. With Nigerian funds, Russian equipment and Cuban troops, he marshaled a telling defeat of apartheid South Africa in the now famous battle of Cuito Canavalein 1987-88, which dented the so-called invincibility of the South African Defence Forces (SADF), disgracing apartheid South Africa and its UNITA allies into abandoning their positions after suffering massive losses.
That victory resulted into South African also abandoning Namibia, where the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) had consistently put them under intense military pressure. Western propaganda had claimed that South Africa did not lose in Cuito and that its aim of ensuring that UNITA forces were not mauled by a combined Soviet and Cuban offensive was achieved. Were this to have been true, why then did it have to take the United States, through Chester Crocker (its Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs) to negotiate an ‘honourable’ exit for the South Africans. Why did they pull out after the army division they sent into that war had been routed? Why did they withdraw from Namibia (that they had illegally occupied after the Trusteeship mandate of the UN given to South Africa over that country had been withdrawn?) if they achieved their military objective in Cuito?
Indeed, the crushing of the South Africans in Angola also significantly eroded the confidence of the racists, to the point where they could no longer continue to bomb Zambia and Mozambique at will. It was Fidel who personified the resistance and provided the motivation for not only African States fighting racist and Portuguese imperialism, but also seeking to have their voices heard in the diplomatic discourses taking place at the time (where the United Kingdom and the United States often shut the door against them, labeling them as “terrorists”).
The death of Fidel rekindles the call by many in Africa for the comprehensive history of the anti-colonial struggles of the 1970’s and 80’s to be written, especially on the liberation wars of Angola, Mozambique Zimbabwe and Namibia. Some at the head of the political wings of the liberation movements, such as Nelson Mandela and Robert Mugabe wrote their own accounts, but sadly, many of those who led the fighting have not written anything. Indeed, many have actually since passed on, such as Zimbabwe’s famed field commander, General Joshua Togongara, taking with them what would have constituted a rich source of Africa’s history. The passing of Fidel is a good opportunity for those who have not written their own accounts to promptly do so. Nigeria’s former President, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo, is a key dramatis personae who was a key player in the whole anti-imperialist campaign (and also participated in clandestine moves to free Mandela and ensure majority rule in South Africa). He would do well to write on the role Nigeria played in the military operations in Angola in particular, as well as in Zimbabwe and Mozambique.
Beyond helping Africa win its anti-imperialist battles, Fidel would send Cuban doctors to many African States to assist in stabilising the fragile health systems that many inherited from the colonial powers. He was a good friend of Africa, a dependable ally whose word was his bond. Cuba, a developing country with similar challenges as African States, also inspired the latter by the strides it made in development. The elimination of illiteracy and provision of free, comprehensive and effective health care for all Cubans by Castro’s regime influenced African countries into believing that they could surmount problems they faced and achieve the same results as Fidel gave to his country.
As the world stands still for Castro, so does Africa stand in dignified salute to the man who was as solid as a rock in his commitment to the well-being of its peoples. Fare thee well Fidel. Goodbye Comandante. Adios Camarada! Victoria acerta
The world stands still for a man who came out of a hitherto geographically and demographically ‘insignificant’ country to constantly challenge the status quo in international power politics and transform his country, generation and continent into incontestable reckoning.
At the head of a famous uprising from the inner recesses of the Sierra Maestra Mountains onto the boulevards of Havana to remove DictatorFulgencio Batista on January 1 1959, he would become a well-respected revolutionary, a motivational leader, and the global icon of the resistance to imperialism.
Comandante Fidel, or, as he would rather be addressed-Camarada Fidel, turned the island nation of Cuba into a powerhouse for the universal anti-imperialist and anti-colonial movement. He, together with the purist, Ernesto Che Guevara, would galvanise nations and inspire resistance against colonial regimes worldwide. Castro gave all of the little that Cuba had to support such movements in Africa and it was in that continent that his impact would be felt by the imperialist alliance.
Fidel sent Cuban troops to fight against colonial and racist armies in Angola and in southern Africa. With Nigerian funds, Russian equipment and Cuban troops, he marshaled a telling defeat of apartheid South Africa in the now famous battle of Cuito Canavalein 1987-88, which dented the so-called invincibility of the South African Defence Forces (SADF), disgracing apartheid South Africa and its UNITA allies into abandoning their positions after suffering massive losses.
That victory resulted into South African also abandoning Namibia, where the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) had consistently put them under intense military pressure. Western propaganda had claimed that South Africa did not lose in Cuito and that its aim of ensuring that UNITA forces were not mauled by a combined Soviet and Cuban offensive was achieved. Were this to have been true, why then did it have to take the United States, through Chester Crocker (its Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs) to negotiate an ‘honourable’ exit for the South Africans. Why did they pull out after the army division they sent into that war had been routed? Why did they withdraw from Namibia (that they had illegally occupied after the Trusteeship mandate of the UN given to South Africa over that country had been withdrawn?) if they achieved their military objective in Cuito?
Indeed, the crushing of the South Africans in Angola also significantly eroded the confidence of the racists, to the point where they could no longer continue to bomb Zambia and Mozambique at will. It was Fidel who personified the resistance and provided the motivation for not only African States fighting racist and Portuguese imperialism, but also seeking to have their voices heard in the diplomatic discourses taking place at the time (where the United Kingdom and the United States often shut the door against them, labeling them as “terrorists”).
The death of Fidel rekindles the call by many in Africa for the comprehensive history of the anti-colonial struggles of the 1970’s and 80’s to be written, especially on the liberation wars of Angola, Mozambique Zimbabwe and Namibia. Some at the head of the political wings of the liberation movements, such as Nelson Mandela and Robert Mugabe wrote their own accounts, but sadly, many of those who led the fighting have not written anything. Indeed, many have actually since passed on, such as Zimbabwe’s famed field commander, General Joshua Togongara, taking with them what would have constituted a rich source of Africa’s history. The passing of Fidel is a good opportunity for those who have not written their own accounts to promptly do so. Nigeria’s former President, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo, is a key dramatis personae who was a key player in the whole anti-imperialist campaign (and also participated in clandestine moves to free Mandela and ensure majority rule in South Africa). He would do well to write on the role Nigeria played in the military operations in Angola in particular, as well as in Zimbabwe and Mozambique.
Beyond helping Africa win its anti-imperialist battles, Fidel would send Cuban doctors to many African States to assist in stabilising the fragile health systems that many inherited from the colonial powers. He was a good friend of Africa, a dependable ally whose word was his bond. Cuba, a developing country with similar challenges as African States, also inspired the latter by the strides it made in development. The elimination of illiteracy and provision of free, comprehensive and effective health care for all Cubans by Castro’s regime influenced African countries into believing that they could surmount problems they faced and achieve the same results as Fidel gave to his country.
As the world stands still for Castro, so does Africa stand in dignified salute to the man who was as solid as a rock in his commitment to the well-being of its peoples. Fare thee well Fidel. Goodbye Comandante. Adios Camarada! Victoria acerta
Ghana Decides. Violence Spreads As Election Draws Near
NDC, NPP supporters clash at Asokore; scores injured
Source: Ghana | Myjoyonline.com | GN
Supporters of the two main political parties, incumbent NDC and opposition NPP, have been involved another violent attack at Asokore in the New Juaben Municipality of the Eastern Region.
Joy News sources say the supporters clashed when their paths crossed during a health walk led by the Parliamentary candidates of the two parties.
Scores of supporters are said to be injured in the wake of the attack that also resulted in the destruction of vehicles and other properties. Reports indicate that the supporters pelted stones at each other at some point.
Sunday’s clash comes exactly a week after a similar incident at the residence of the opposition leader, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo. In that incident the security of the NPP leader fired warning shots allegedly to ward off the NDC supporters said to be pelting stones and bottles.
The New Juaben Municipality, along with four other constituencies in the Eastern Region, (Nkawkaw, Akwatia, Suhum, New Juaben South and Akwapim South) are among the violence flashpoints ahead of the 2016 Elections.
Source: Ghana | Myjoyonline.com | GN
Supporters of the two main political parties, incumbent NDC and opposition NPP, have been involved another violent attack at Asokore in the New Juaben Municipality of the Eastern Region.
Joy News sources say the supporters clashed when their paths crossed during a health walk led by the Parliamentary candidates of the two parties.
Scores of supporters are said to be injured in the wake of the attack that also resulted in the destruction of vehicles and other properties. Reports indicate that the supporters pelted stones at each other at some point.
Sunday’s clash comes exactly a week after a similar incident at the residence of the opposition leader, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo. In that incident the security of the NPP leader fired warning shots allegedly to ward off the NDC supporters said to be pelting stones and bottles.
The New Juaben Municipality, along with four other constituencies in the Eastern Region, (Nkawkaw, Akwatia, Suhum, New Juaben South and Akwapim South) are among the violence flashpoints ahead of the 2016 Elections.
BREAKING NEWS. Canadian Immigration website crashes as Americans plan on fleeing the US following Trump victory.
Canada's immigration website has crashed as Americans watched Donald Trump take the lead and then win the US election.Searches for "move to Canada" and "immigrate to Canada" spiked on Tuesday night as election returns started favouring the Republican nominee.The website for Citizenship and Immigration Canada was down at the same time, and has suffered several outages since.
Click here for full story
Canada's immigration website has crashed as Americans watched Donald Trump take the lead and then win the US election.Searches for "move to Canada" and "immigrate to Canada" spiked on Tuesday night as election returns started favouring the Republican nominee.The website for Citizenship and Immigration Canada was down at the same time, and has suffered several outages since.
Click here for full story
Ghana 2016. Danger Ahead. Ghana's Electoral Commission facing numerous lawsuits
Courting controversies: Ghana’s Electoral Commission under fire ahead of close elections
Nana Yaa Mensah New Statesman
With the political temperature in Ghana rising ahead of its finely balanced 7 December elections, the Electoral Commission (EC) is coming under intense scrutiny. The body has been a cause of running complaints since the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 1992. This transition followed nearly 20 years of military rule by Jerry Rawlings; the EC oversaw Rawlings’ electoral victories in 1992 and 1996.
The Electoral Commissioner who oversaw the return to formally civilian government was Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, a political scientist appointed by Rawlings. Afari-Gyan remained in his position until 2015, having conducted six elections. The last of these, in December 2012, was hotly contested between Ghana’s two largest parties: the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) under President John Mahama, and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) led by Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo.
In these closely fought elections, Mahama – who had risen to Head of State less than five months previously, after President John Atta Mills’ death – was pronounced the outright winner. The EC declared that he had won 51% of the vote to Akufo-Addo’s 48% in the first round.
However, the NPP launched a Supreme Court challenge to the result that kept Ghana on tenterhooks for much of 2013. Live broadcasts of the proceedings allowed Ghanaians to pore over the mechanics of conducting national elections. And as lawyers ran through voodoo arithmetic and piles of incomplete results sheets, it became harder for some Ghanaians already inclined to see their public institutions as corrupt to accept the EC’s procedures as capable of delivering elections that reflect the will of the people.
Results declarations hadn’t been signed by more than one opposition party in some constituencies, signalling that their polling agents disagreed with the results or hadn’t been present. There were persistent murmurs about under-declaration of opposition tallies everywhere from the Greater Accra Region on the coast to the Upper East on the border with Burkina Faso. The figures in some results were transposed. Multiple voting seemed rife in some areas. Worse still, the chief witness for the defence, Afari-Gyan, often appeared uncertain how the election had been organised at ground level.
What were the basic procedures? What was the law on acceptable proof of results from a polling station? Did a declaration sheet have to be signed by representatives of all the parties standing in that area? If one party agent hadn’t signed the sheet for their polling station, did this invalidate the result? How many voters were there on the electoral roll? How do you define “over-voting”? Did every voter have to prove their identity using the biometric identification system introduced for the 2012 election? What sort of identification did you have to present in order to register to vote?
For days, the Supreme Court was surrounded by pro-NDC protesters, armed with bamboo canes and vowing to protect the declared result. They would not be disenfranchised, they said.
After eight months of evidence, with over 30,000 members of the security forces standing by, the Supreme Court passed a 5-4 verdict dismissing the challenge. The petitioners, including Akufo-Addo, accepted the decision and urged disappointed NPP supporters to do the same. However, the judges made it clear in their detailed judgments that reform was vital and that the next election could not be conducted the same way. The changes they set out included recommendations on redesigning results forms, retraining of EC staff, a review of the voters’ register, and consensus-building with all the political parties.
Vigour and rigour
In the wake of the judgment, the EC embarked on a charm offensive, repeatedly assuring Parliament that it was making changes to its way of working. And in June 2015, the government took a bold step: as Afari-Gyan retired, it named Charlotte Osei, the 46-year-old head of the National Commission for Civic Education, as his replacement. With her background in the law and relative youth, it was hoped she would inject vigour, rigour and fresh ideas into the EC.
Nevertheless, sensing stasis, pro-opposition groups under the banner of the Let My Vote Count Alliance (LMVCA), soon launched street protests to put pressure on the Commission to compile a fresh voters’ register. This, activists said, was the only way of ensuring a fair election in 2016. But when, on 16 September 2015, they marched on the EC’s headquarters in Accra, they met with riot police armed with tear gas, rubber bullets, water cannon, batons and bamboo canes rather like those brandished by the NDC supporters outside the Supreme Court in 2013. Police said the demonstrators had veered off the agreed route. Several protesters were beaten; one was hit in the face by a rubber bullet and lost an eye.
Osei quickly retreated to the bunker, refusing to meet LMVCA and even suspending cross-party talks. Everyone had a complaint, from the Convention People’s Party (heirs to the mantle of Kwame Nkrumah) to the breakaway Progressive People’s Party under Paa Kwesi Nduom and the comedic Ghana Freedom Party under Akua Donkor.
After insisting for months that the 2016 election would be held in November to allow adequate time before the year end for a possible presidential run-off, the EC was obliged to accept it would not be able to marshal resources in time. It reset the date for 7 December.
Blossoming legal challenges
The charm offensive had quickly gone adrift and the first newsworthy action by the Commission under Osei was to redesign its logo at an undisclosed cost, a move that provoked widespread derision. Meanwhile, various spats resumed, such as the one over signatures on declaration forms.
In May this year, for example, the Supreme Court found in favour of a civil suit brought by supporters of two opposition parties. One of the main points of contention revolved around whether a National Health Insurance Scheme card – which is not proof of nationality – was acceptable ID when registering to vote. The NDC backed the EC in arguing the cards should be valid, while the NPP disagreed. The Supreme Court, upholding its original recommendations, instructed the EC to remove NHIS cardholders’ names from the voters’ register. The EC came back with a list of names that looked distinctly underwhelming.
On 11 October, the Commission was at the centre of another dispute when it disqualified 13 of the 17 candidates hoping to run for president, including the former First Lady Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings. It cited reasons ranging from certain parties’ failure to provide evidence that they had a national structure, to individuals signing registration papers for more than one candidate.
The ensuing uproar unleashed a slew of cases in the civil courts, the Progressive People’s Party’s Nduom sounding the most determined to have the decision against him overturned. The Chief Justice pledged to resolve the disputes quickly so as not to create further delay, and their claims are being heard at the High Court. Konadu-Rawlings lost her first suit at this court on 27 October but, like Nduom, is threatening to go all the way to the Supreme Court. The NDC argues that the disqualified candidates should stop sulking and accuses NPP and LMVCA of fomenting violence against an EC that’s doing good work.
And the EC’s travails go on. In late October, yet another lawsuit was filed that may further prolong the wrangling over electoral paperwork. There were repeated stops and starts over when the voters’ register and final list of polling stations would be released to the political parties. The Commission kept changing its mind over whether it could afford to put the contract for electronic transmission of results out to tender; the NPP objected to the idea, arguing it would be unconstitutional and a waste of money, while the NDC and its allies accused NPP of deception and causing confusion.
And on 26 October, the paramount chief of the Asante was moved to chide the EC for allowing the “sham” political party phenomenon to spread whereby there has been a proliferation of political parties that critics believe are simply proxies for the NDC or NPP.
Though officially independent and free from state control, opposition activists see the EC as a political football, kicked about by the party in power. Its conflict resolution mechanisms appear not to work, hence the repeated recourse to the law courts. That the bulk of its budget comes from the government does not help. The Commission announced last year that it would need 1.3 billion cedis ($330 million) to mount the elections; Parliament agreed provision for just under 900 million cedis ($230 million), leaving Osei and her team to make up the shortfall.
Whether the EC will be able to assert its independence, gain public trust, get its house in order and conduct a smooth election on 7 December remains to be seen. The blossoming of legal challenges doesn’t augur well.
Nana Yaa Mensah New Statesman
With the political temperature in Ghana rising ahead of its finely balanced 7 December elections, the Electoral Commission (EC) is coming under intense scrutiny. The body has been a cause of running complaints since the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 1992. This transition followed nearly 20 years of military rule by Jerry Rawlings; the EC oversaw Rawlings’ electoral victories in 1992 and 1996.
The Electoral Commissioner who oversaw the return to formally civilian government was Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, a political scientist appointed by Rawlings. Afari-Gyan remained in his position until 2015, having conducted six elections. The last of these, in December 2012, was hotly contested between Ghana’s two largest parties: the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) under President John Mahama, and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) led by Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo.
In these closely fought elections, Mahama – who had risen to Head of State less than five months previously, after President John Atta Mills’ death – was pronounced the outright winner. The EC declared that he had won 51% of the vote to Akufo-Addo’s 48% in the first round.
However, the NPP launched a Supreme Court challenge to the result that kept Ghana on tenterhooks for much of 2013. Live broadcasts of the proceedings allowed Ghanaians to pore over the mechanics of conducting national elections. And as lawyers ran through voodoo arithmetic and piles of incomplete results sheets, it became harder for some Ghanaians already inclined to see their public institutions as corrupt to accept the EC’s procedures as capable of delivering elections that reflect the will of the people.
Results declarations hadn’t been signed by more than one opposition party in some constituencies, signalling that their polling agents disagreed with the results or hadn’t been present. There were persistent murmurs about under-declaration of opposition tallies everywhere from the Greater Accra Region on the coast to the Upper East on the border with Burkina Faso. The figures in some results were transposed. Multiple voting seemed rife in some areas. Worse still, the chief witness for the defence, Afari-Gyan, often appeared uncertain how the election had been organised at ground level.
What were the basic procedures? What was the law on acceptable proof of results from a polling station? Did a declaration sheet have to be signed by representatives of all the parties standing in that area? If one party agent hadn’t signed the sheet for their polling station, did this invalidate the result? How many voters were there on the electoral roll? How do you define “over-voting”? Did every voter have to prove their identity using the biometric identification system introduced for the 2012 election? What sort of identification did you have to present in order to register to vote?
For days, the Supreme Court was surrounded by pro-NDC protesters, armed with bamboo canes and vowing to protect the declared result. They would not be disenfranchised, they said.
After eight months of evidence, with over 30,000 members of the security forces standing by, the Supreme Court passed a 5-4 verdict dismissing the challenge. The petitioners, including Akufo-Addo, accepted the decision and urged disappointed NPP supporters to do the same. However, the judges made it clear in their detailed judgments that reform was vital and that the next election could not be conducted the same way. The changes they set out included recommendations on redesigning results forms, retraining of EC staff, a review of the voters’ register, and consensus-building with all the political parties.
Vigour and rigour
In the wake of the judgment, the EC embarked on a charm offensive, repeatedly assuring Parliament that it was making changes to its way of working. And in June 2015, the government took a bold step: as Afari-Gyan retired, it named Charlotte Osei, the 46-year-old head of the National Commission for Civic Education, as his replacement. With her background in the law and relative youth, it was hoped she would inject vigour, rigour and fresh ideas into the EC.
Nevertheless, sensing stasis, pro-opposition groups under the banner of the Let My Vote Count Alliance (LMVCA), soon launched street protests to put pressure on the Commission to compile a fresh voters’ register. This, activists said, was the only way of ensuring a fair election in 2016. But when, on 16 September 2015, they marched on the EC’s headquarters in Accra, they met with riot police armed with tear gas, rubber bullets, water cannon, batons and bamboo canes rather like those brandished by the NDC supporters outside the Supreme Court in 2013. Police said the demonstrators had veered off the agreed route. Several protesters were beaten; one was hit in the face by a rubber bullet and lost an eye.
Osei quickly retreated to the bunker, refusing to meet LMVCA and even suspending cross-party talks. Everyone had a complaint, from the Convention People’s Party (heirs to the mantle of Kwame Nkrumah) to the breakaway Progressive People’s Party under Paa Kwesi Nduom and the comedic Ghana Freedom Party under Akua Donkor.
After insisting for months that the 2016 election would be held in November to allow adequate time before the year end for a possible presidential run-off, the EC was obliged to accept it would not be able to marshal resources in time. It reset the date for 7 December.
Blossoming legal challenges
The charm offensive had quickly gone adrift and the first newsworthy action by the Commission under Osei was to redesign its logo at an undisclosed cost, a move that provoked widespread derision. Meanwhile, various spats resumed, such as the one over signatures on declaration forms.
In May this year, for example, the Supreme Court found in favour of a civil suit brought by supporters of two opposition parties. One of the main points of contention revolved around whether a National Health Insurance Scheme card – which is not proof of nationality – was acceptable ID when registering to vote. The NDC backed the EC in arguing the cards should be valid, while the NPP disagreed. The Supreme Court, upholding its original recommendations, instructed the EC to remove NHIS cardholders’ names from the voters’ register. The EC came back with a list of names that looked distinctly underwhelming.
On 11 October, the Commission was at the centre of another dispute when it disqualified 13 of the 17 candidates hoping to run for president, including the former First Lady Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings. It cited reasons ranging from certain parties’ failure to provide evidence that they had a national structure, to individuals signing registration papers for more than one candidate.
The ensuing uproar unleashed a slew of cases in the civil courts, the Progressive People’s Party’s Nduom sounding the most determined to have the decision against him overturned. The Chief Justice pledged to resolve the disputes quickly so as not to create further delay, and their claims are being heard at the High Court. Konadu-Rawlings lost her first suit at this court on 27 October but, like Nduom, is threatening to go all the way to the Supreme Court. The NDC argues that the disqualified candidates should stop sulking and accuses NPP and LMVCA of fomenting violence against an EC that’s doing good work.
And the EC’s travails go on. In late October, yet another lawsuit was filed that may further prolong the wrangling over electoral paperwork. There were repeated stops and starts over when the voters’ register and final list of polling stations would be released to the political parties. The Commission kept changing its mind over whether it could afford to put the contract for electronic transmission of results out to tender; the NPP objected to the idea, arguing it would be unconstitutional and a waste of money, while the NDC and its allies accused NPP of deception and causing confusion.
And on 26 October, the paramount chief of the Asante was moved to chide the EC for allowing the “sham” political party phenomenon to spread whereby there has been a proliferation of political parties that critics believe are simply proxies for the NDC or NPP.
Though officially independent and free from state control, opposition activists see the EC as a political football, kicked about by the party in power. Its conflict resolution mechanisms appear not to work, hence the repeated recourse to the law courts. That the bulk of its budget comes from the government does not help. The Commission announced last year that it would need 1.3 billion cedis ($330 million) to mount the elections; Parliament agreed provision for just under 900 million cedis ($230 million), leaving Osei and her team to make up the shortfall.
Whether the EC will be able to assert its independence, gain public trust, get its house in order and conduct a smooth election on 7 December remains to be seen. The blossoming of legal challenges doesn’t augur well.
Liberia 2017. The Woman Who Wants To Be President
By William Q. Harmon Daily Observer
President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's constitutionally dictated absence at the upcoming 2017 presidential election will not be missed, gender-wise, as the first female aspirant has emerged saying that she has the requisite credentials and is prepared to lead the country
MacDella Cooper said she has not just come to ensure gender balance at the polls next year, but to lead Liberia from where President Sirleaf leaves it.
At a well-organized program held at a resort in Monrovia yesterday, Ms. Cooper broke her silence, indicating that she will be a contestant in the 2017 presidential elections, because there is a lot to do in a country where the masses still live in abject poverty amid abundance of resources, adding that she is prepared to lead a charge that will emancipate Liberians from their current impoverished state. Cooper is the assumed political leader of the Union of Liberian Democrats (ULD), recognized and certificated by the National Elections Commission (NEC).
President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's constitutionally dictated absence at the upcoming 2017 presidential election will not be missed, gender-wise, as the first female aspirant has emerged saying that she has the requisite credentials and is prepared to lead the country
MacDella Cooper said she has not just come to ensure gender balance at the polls next year, but to lead Liberia from where President Sirleaf leaves it.
At a well-organized program held at a resort in Monrovia yesterday, Ms. Cooper broke her silence, indicating that she will be a contestant in the 2017 presidential elections, because there is a lot to do in a country where the masses still live in abject poverty amid abundance of resources, adding that she is prepared to lead a charge that will emancipate Liberians from their current impoverished state. Cooper is the assumed political leader of the Union of Liberian Democrats (ULD), recognized and certificated by the National Elections Commission (NEC).
Entertainment in Nigeria- Rastafarians return big time to the market place
Rastafarians return big time to the market place!
By Bayo Olowo-Ake
In the 1980’s, reggae music dominated Nigerian airwaves and overwhelmed the nightclubs. You had the trio of Majek Fashek, Ras Kimono and Orits Williki calling the shots in a triumviratical control of all that this genre of music offered. From Lagos to Onitsha, Sapele to Sabon Gari, Kano to Calabar, it was reggae all the way.Indeed, while reggae is typified by drum, bass and percussions, its lyrics often express injustice, political, economic or social. Reggae’s depth is its religious foundation, deriving life from ecclesiastical sources, especially the didactic Books of the Psalms and Proverbs.
Reggae calls the authorities to change the order of things if suffering begins to bite the population harder, challenges the international political and economic order to free political prisoners (Mandela being the most visible expression of that campaign), and stands in the gap for those being denied justice and equity. It is therefore a universal music genre, pricking the soul and conscience of the world.
Fashek, Williki and Kimono churned out hits after hits, with songs like ‘Send Down the Rain,’ ‘Fight the fire,’ ‘What’s Gwan,’ etc. perpetually being aired across the length and breadth of Nigeria. They were supported by such acts as the enigmatic Sonny Okosuns and other acts likeKing Waleman, Jah Sticks, Peterside Ottong, Lt. Shotgun, Too Low for Zero, Alex Zitto, Sweatetc. From beyond Nigeria’s borders came Alpha Blondy and Lucky Dube who livened things up with Ivorian and South African flavours respectively, while from outside Africa, you had Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, Third World, Mighty Diamonds, U-Roy, I-Roy, UB-40, Yellowman etc. Indeed, reggae music sold in the millions and kept the Nigerian music industry alive and virile.
The height of the ascendancy of reggae music in Nigeria came in the form of the runaway success called Lekki Sunsplash. Packaged by Lagos businessman, Dapo Adelegan, it was West Africa’s response to Jamaica’s Reggae Sunsplash and its first edition pulled a crowd estimated at over 350,000 on the pristine Maiyegun Beach on Lekki Peninsula, Lagos, right on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. The domestic security apparatus had never seen anything like it, in terms of the security challenges it threw up—crowd management, traffic and access control, etc. It was majestic and confirmed that Nigeria could stage and manage such a stupendous music jam. It is doubtful if anything of that magnitude has been attempted again in the annals of Nigerian music. Yet it was sold on the strength of reggae’s appeal, with wholly Nigerian artistes.
There are those who however assert that reggae music thrives in an environment enmeshed in economic or political inequality. This would explain why this music genre seemingly ‘disappeared’ when the economy of Nigeria began booming again in the early 2000’s.There are also those who challenge this assertion however, contending that Bob Marley and other global reggae acts, though writing lyrics in contexts dominated by various types of deprivations, still sold continuously and handsomely in countries where the economy was booming and where there were no serious issues relating to political repression. What is not in doubt though is that every society has some form of injustice or another, and that because of this reality, reggae music finds traction and acceptance everywhere.
This is why the school of thought which considers this music genre to be the watchdog of those oppressed by various deprivations is quick to point to its return to Nigeria in full measure these days as a consequence of the challenging economic environment in the country. Indeed, the African continent is witnessing a slowdown economically and Nigeria has had more than its fair share of this, on account of profligate spending, lack of prudence in the management of national resources and outright impunity.
Re-enter Majek Fashek, Orits Williki and Ras Kimono! The fire is kindled once again, (a la Orits Williki’s ‘Fight the Fire?’) in the Nigerian music scene as these trio begin a renaissance of immense proportions. They have had to pay big time to face up to rejuvenating reggae and raising hope and confidence among their army of fans. Kimono gave up a lucrative and sustained circuitry in the US to return home, including, possibly, his role as UN brand ambassador for climate change (his posters dotted the whole of Addis Ababa for a spell while he creditably served in that capacity). Majek Fashek has had to give up his stay in the US, where he had grown to become a very big act and was to suffer depression and other emotional challenges. He has been treated in Nigeria by Nigerian doctors and is doing well and forms a critical leg of the trio. Although Orits Williki never left Nigeria like Kimono and Majek, he however had to put a thriving music recording business and headship of a musical copyright society in the background to fully head back to the stage.
For the past three years, reggae music has continued its ascendancy in the domestic music industryon account of the influence and presence of Kimono, Majek and Orits. The live band performances that characterise their shows have also helped further the popularity of the music, as many of the new and younger non-reggae acts in the country perform with DJ’s and not with live bands. Various live shows specifically dedicated to reggae music are thus being regularly held in Nigeria, such as Afropolitan, Calabar and Port Harcourt Carnivals (with their reggae components), monthly reggae shows at the Freedom Park (Lagos), ‘Industry’ Night etc. All these typify the growth and resurging popularity of reggae. This genre has also grown tremendously over this period in the northern cities of Jos, Kano and Kaduna. Indeed, Plateau Radio and Television Services (PRTV) now have reggae shows everyday of the week, while in Lagos, every of the over 30 FM stations now has a reggae programme, unlike previously when it was only two stations (EKO FM and Star FM) which had such shows.
Today, reggae music is challenging and complementing the established music genre denominated in the likes of P-Square, Tuface, D-Banj, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Banky-W, Don Jazzy, etc. The beauty of this revival is in the respect that the masters enjoy from the younger generation, whose careers were themselves fuelled by the brand of reggae espoused by Orits, Majek and Kimono. Thus a synergy has been forged between old and new, seeing collabos between Majek and Tuface for instance, on the strength of such previous successful experimentbetween Orits and Eedris Abdulakrim some years back.
It is thus no longer a whisper that reggae is back –the Nigerian version—and growing larger and larger. The triumvirate has reclaimed the throne and is manifesting its musical authority from the marketplace to the corridors of power. How long it stays at the top this time will depend to a large extent on how many new acts the masters are able to inspire to continue the elongation of the genre given that most of them are well past their mid-50’s.
Welcome back Rastas. Y’all run tings mon…tings no run ya!
Bayo Olowo-Ake contributed this piece from New Delhi, India.
By Bayo Olowo-Ake
In the 1980’s, reggae music dominated Nigerian airwaves and overwhelmed the nightclubs. You had the trio of Majek Fashek, Ras Kimono and Orits Williki calling the shots in a triumviratical control of all that this genre of music offered. From Lagos to Onitsha, Sapele to Sabon Gari, Kano to Calabar, it was reggae all the way.Indeed, while reggae is typified by drum, bass and percussions, its lyrics often express injustice, political, economic or social. Reggae’s depth is its religious foundation, deriving life from ecclesiastical sources, especially the didactic Books of the Psalms and Proverbs.
Reggae calls the authorities to change the order of things if suffering begins to bite the population harder, challenges the international political and economic order to free political prisoners (Mandela being the most visible expression of that campaign), and stands in the gap for those being denied justice and equity. It is therefore a universal music genre, pricking the soul and conscience of the world.
Fashek, Williki and Kimono churned out hits after hits, with songs like ‘Send Down the Rain,’ ‘Fight the fire,’ ‘What’s Gwan,’ etc. perpetually being aired across the length and breadth of Nigeria. They were supported by such acts as the enigmatic Sonny Okosuns and other acts likeKing Waleman, Jah Sticks, Peterside Ottong, Lt. Shotgun, Too Low for Zero, Alex Zitto, Sweatetc. From beyond Nigeria’s borders came Alpha Blondy and Lucky Dube who livened things up with Ivorian and South African flavours respectively, while from outside Africa, you had Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, Third World, Mighty Diamonds, U-Roy, I-Roy, UB-40, Yellowman etc. Indeed, reggae music sold in the millions and kept the Nigerian music industry alive and virile.
The height of the ascendancy of reggae music in Nigeria came in the form of the runaway success called Lekki Sunsplash. Packaged by Lagos businessman, Dapo Adelegan, it was West Africa’s response to Jamaica’s Reggae Sunsplash and its first edition pulled a crowd estimated at over 350,000 on the pristine Maiyegun Beach on Lekki Peninsula, Lagos, right on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean. The domestic security apparatus had never seen anything like it, in terms of the security challenges it threw up—crowd management, traffic and access control, etc. It was majestic and confirmed that Nigeria could stage and manage such a stupendous music jam. It is doubtful if anything of that magnitude has been attempted again in the annals of Nigerian music. Yet it was sold on the strength of reggae’s appeal, with wholly Nigerian artistes.
There are those who however assert that reggae music thrives in an environment enmeshed in economic or political inequality. This would explain why this music genre seemingly ‘disappeared’ when the economy of Nigeria began booming again in the early 2000’s.There are also those who challenge this assertion however, contending that Bob Marley and other global reggae acts, though writing lyrics in contexts dominated by various types of deprivations, still sold continuously and handsomely in countries where the economy was booming and where there were no serious issues relating to political repression. What is not in doubt though is that every society has some form of injustice or another, and that because of this reality, reggae music finds traction and acceptance everywhere.
This is why the school of thought which considers this music genre to be the watchdog of those oppressed by various deprivations is quick to point to its return to Nigeria in full measure these days as a consequence of the challenging economic environment in the country. Indeed, the African continent is witnessing a slowdown economically and Nigeria has had more than its fair share of this, on account of profligate spending, lack of prudence in the management of national resources and outright impunity.
Re-enter Majek Fashek, Orits Williki and Ras Kimono! The fire is kindled once again, (a la Orits Williki’s ‘Fight the Fire?’) in the Nigerian music scene as these trio begin a renaissance of immense proportions. They have had to pay big time to face up to rejuvenating reggae and raising hope and confidence among their army of fans. Kimono gave up a lucrative and sustained circuitry in the US to return home, including, possibly, his role as UN brand ambassador for climate change (his posters dotted the whole of Addis Ababa for a spell while he creditably served in that capacity). Majek Fashek has had to give up his stay in the US, where he had grown to become a very big act and was to suffer depression and other emotional challenges. He has been treated in Nigeria by Nigerian doctors and is doing well and forms a critical leg of the trio. Although Orits Williki never left Nigeria like Kimono and Majek, he however had to put a thriving music recording business and headship of a musical copyright society in the background to fully head back to the stage.
For the past three years, reggae music has continued its ascendancy in the domestic music industryon account of the influence and presence of Kimono, Majek and Orits. The live band performances that characterise their shows have also helped further the popularity of the music, as many of the new and younger non-reggae acts in the country perform with DJ’s and not with live bands. Various live shows specifically dedicated to reggae music are thus being regularly held in Nigeria, such as Afropolitan, Calabar and Port Harcourt Carnivals (with their reggae components), monthly reggae shows at the Freedom Park (Lagos), ‘Industry’ Night etc. All these typify the growth and resurging popularity of reggae. This genre has also grown tremendously over this period in the northern cities of Jos, Kano and Kaduna. Indeed, Plateau Radio and Television Services (PRTV) now have reggae shows everyday of the week, while in Lagos, every of the over 30 FM stations now has a reggae programme, unlike previously when it was only two stations (EKO FM and Star FM) which had such shows.
Today, reggae music is challenging and complementing the established music genre denominated in the likes of P-Square, Tuface, D-Banj, Davido, Tiwa Savage, Banky-W, Don Jazzy, etc. The beauty of this revival is in the respect that the masters enjoy from the younger generation, whose careers were themselves fuelled by the brand of reggae espoused by Orits, Majek and Kimono. Thus a synergy has been forged between old and new, seeing collabos between Majek and Tuface for instance, on the strength of such previous successful experimentbetween Orits and Eedris Abdulakrim some years back.
It is thus no longer a whisper that reggae is back –the Nigerian version—and growing larger and larger. The triumvirate has reclaimed the throne and is manifesting its musical authority from the marketplace to the corridors of power. How long it stays at the top this time will depend to a large extent on how many new acts the masters are able to inspire to continue the elongation of the genre given that most of them are well past their mid-50’s.
Welcome back Rastas. Y’all run tings mon…tings no run ya!
Bayo Olowo-Ake contributed this piece from New Delhi, India.
Ghanaian Elections 2016 Bombshell. Electoral Commission Disqualifies Former First Lady, 11 others.
Courtesy www.thepulse.com.gh
The Electoral Commission has disqualified twelve presidential nominees after filing of nominations closed today (October 10, 2016).The presidential nominees include All Peoples Congress’s Hassan Ayariga; Dr Edward Mahama of the Peoples National Convention (PNC), Dr Agyenim Boateng of the United Front Party (UFP), Kofi Akpaloo of the Independent People’s Party (IPP), Kwabena Adjei of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats (RPD), Dr Papa Kwesi Nduom of the Progressive People’s Party (PPP)
The others include: Dr Henry Herbert Lartey of the Great Consolidate Popular Party (GCPP), Richard Nixon Tetteh (United Development Systems Party), Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings of the National Democratic Party (NDP), Ward Brew of the Democratic People’s Party (DPP), Alfred Kwame Asiedu Walker, an independent candidate, and Akua Donkor of the Ghana Freedom Party (GFP). Akwesi Adae Odike of the United Progressive Party’s nomination is on hold pending a court case.
For the full story click here
The Electoral Commission has disqualified twelve presidential nominees after filing of nominations closed today (October 10, 2016).The presidential nominees include All Peoples Congress’s Hassan Ayariga; Dr Edward Mahama of the Peoples National Convention (PNC), Dr Agyenim Boateng of the United Front Party (UFP), Kofi Akpaloo of the Independent People’s Party (IPP), Kwabena Adjei of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats (RPD), Dr Papa Kwesi Nduom of the Progressive People’s Party (PPP)
The others include: Dr Henry Herbert Lartey of the Great Consolidate Popular Party (GCPP), Richard Nixon Tetteh (United Development Systems Party), Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings of the National Democratic Party (NDP), Ward Brew of the Democratic People’s Party (DPP), Alfred Kwame Asiedu Walker, an independent candidate, and Akua Donkor of the Ghana Freedom Party (GFP). Akwesi Adae Odike of the United Progressive Party’s nomination is on hold pending a court case.
For the full story click here
NIGERIA. HAPPY 56TH INDEPENDENCE ANNIVERSARY
STOP PRESS. Bob Marley's wife Rita suffers stroke.
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BREAKING NEWS. ENGLAND MANAGER STEPS DOWN SAM ALLARDYCE has left his post as England manager after exactly 67 days. Click here for more
Civic Education Boosts Participation in African Politics By Women - Waithera Chege
The increase in the number of women participating in politics in Africa has been attributed to the introduction of civic education and the provision of skills that have equipped them to survive on the political terrain.
This was disclosed to Gaskiya.net by Waithera Chege, head of the Kenyan based charity Pick Me Up and also founder of another initiative New Dawn Arica in an exclusive chat recently. She further explained that the enactment of constitutional provisions which reserve a certain number of seats for women in some African countries has also boosted the number of those taking part.
Citing the example of such women politicians as Mrs. Sirleaf Johnson of Liberia and Mrs. Banda of Malawi, Waithera explained further that women are showing the world that they are in the vanguard of the new breed politicians who offer Africa the opportunity to deepen democracy.
Ms. Waithera Chege’s interview with Gaskiya.net is produced in full below. Readers’ reactions are welcome.
Please send them to editor@gaskiya.net
Gaskiya.net. What do you think is responsible for the recent participation in elections by women across Africa?
Waithera Chege A number of factors have worked together in raising women's participation in politics in Africa...
A) Leadership capabilities of female leaders.
B) Introduction of civic education, skills and experience needed to survive in politics.
C) Constitutional provisions reserving a certain number of seats for women. For example Kenya has special seats for women representatives in parliament while political parties in South Africa and Mozambique have adopted internal rules to ensure a certain percentage of women can vie for office.
D) Women are key to the new breed of politicians who offer Africa the opportunity for democracy. It is interesting that three female African leaders assumed office during crises or transitions. Ms. Sirleaf Johnson of Liberia was elected after 13-yr devastating civil war, Ms. Joyce Banda who had been vice president of Malawi took over after president Bingu died in office and Catherine Samba-Panza was sworn in amid rebellion and sectarian violence in the Central African Republic and Ms. Ruth Perry headed the interim government following cease fire negotiations that ended almost two decades of war in Liberia.
E) Women's political participation has also been enhanced by the growing drive from the civil society in fostering women's participation in leadership. The civil society has been instrumental in creating awareness of women's rights.
F) Education has empowered many women to join and form political parties thereby enabling them to participate in political activities
G) The promulgation of women's movement groups in Africa have led to an increase of the number of women involved in politics. The groups have been of much importance as they have lobbied for women's political leadership.
Gaskiya.net. There is a very touching story on the formation of your charity group....NEW DAWN AFRICA...How did it start?
Waithera Chege I am a philanthropist. I love improving the well being of human kind by preventing and solving social problems.
New Dawn Africa has been in existence for sometime now. I had a bad experience with the street boys some years back. They stole my handbag. Rather than running to the police station I engaged them and got an insight into the challenges that plagued them. This led us to start a reform process through education and the birth of PICK ME UP organisation that I founded to empower and give teenage mothers a second chance for education. Today through PMU we are educating girls and catering for their school fees, supporting them in other ways too. Helping build stronger communities Offering time and services to a needy group.
It may sound contradictory but one important aspect of building wealth is philanthropy. While government play a role in providing support to people who need assistance, government funding lacks the precision needed to support all who need help.
The act of giving leads to happiness and satisfaction Matthew 25;40 states " I say unto you, whatever you did for one of these least brothers of mine, you did for me". Providing education to teenage mothers from poor background is my new project. Mothers who live in abject poverty are now back to school thanks to "Pick Me Up" (PMU) organisation that I chair. The results of philanthropy are always beyond calculation
Gaskiya.net What are the prevalent problems in your community and how do you intend to solve them ?
Waithera Chege. My community consists of a slum that's desperately crowded. The slum is home to more than 60% of the total population. One of the biggest challenge is that the slum is not formally recognised by the government and thus lack basic services such as water, sanitation and health services. Uninsulated electricity cables hang precariously in people's homes. The residents know the dangers but they have no choice. You find a water vending kiosk standing beside two dirty, poorly constructed pit latrines.
Providing basics remain a big challenge in Marigu-ini, Fuata Nyayo, Kisii, Kabirira, Kaiyaba and Mukuru slums within Nairobi south ward. The crisis of poor infrastructure, overcrowding, limited resources and poor sanitation facilities is exacerbated further by a high disease rate, characterised by high levels of malnutrition amoung children and the aged. High rate of communicable diseases like typhoid, malaria, tuberculosis with most families unable to afford medical care. The few health facilities available are understaffed and lack basic equipments.
Lack of jobs for many of the young inhabitants means turning to crime to make ends meet. The government has really tried by providing funds to start small businesses but again you find young people are not showing interest because they lack creativity. Organised gangs and criminal elements within slums have rendered many homeless for fear of attack. The social networks, the business, the employment opportunities and the low cost of living attracts new residents despite the harsh circumstances.
How we are solving the problem
1. Taking advantage of government youth and women funds to create more
opportunities and initiatives.
2. Lobby for review of laws that hinder quick access to credit facilities
3. Discourage further rural to urban migration by urging the government to
provide services to rural set ups. To stop overcrowding.
4. Slum upgrading is a government initiative that will help improve the
life of slum dwellers
5. Lobby Nairobi County to improve the existing informal sanitation
facilities
Gaskiya.net Should the electorate vote for you as a women's rights activist?
Waithera Chege. Yes because I practice positive activism. They say when you educate a woman...you have educated the whole community. It is through the fight for women's rights that teenage mothers are back to school. Thanks to PICK ME UP ( PMU) an organisation i founded. Modelling them to be the next Hillary Clinton.
Through civic education women are able to participate in elections, speak in public and demand for their rights. Am also leading women empowerment initiatives in my country. I am the chair of one of the biggest merry go rounding investing in millions of shillings in the Sunlife group. Men and youth have not been left behind we have equipped them with skills like mechanics, carpenters, matatu drivers through New Dawn Africa. We only need a back up to double the effort.
Gaskiya.net A shot at Kenyan presidency in future?
Waithera Chege. Anything is possible. I believe in me. The question isn't who is going to let me...it's who is going to stop me.
Thank you.
This was disclosed to Gaskiya.net by Waithera Chege, head of the Kenyan based charity Pick Me Up and also founder of another initiative New Dawn Arica in an exclusive chat recently. She further explained that the enactment of constitutional provisions which reserve a certain number of seats for women in some African countries has also boosted the number of those taking part.
Citing the example of such women politicians as Mrs. Sirleaf Johnson of Liberia and Mrs. Banda of Malawi, Waithera explained further that women are showing the world that they are in the vanguard of the new breed politicians who offer Africa the opportunity to deepen democracy.
Ms. Waithera Chege’s interview with Gaskiya.net is produced in full below. Readers’ reactions are welcome.
Please send them to editor@gaskiya.net
Gaskiya.net. What do you think is responsible for the recent participation in elections by women across Africa?
Waithera Chege A number of factors have worked together in raising women's participation in politics in Africa...
A) Leadership capabilities of female leaders.
B) Introduction of civic education, skills and experience needed to survive in politics.
C) Constitutional provisions reserving a certain number of seats for women. For example Kenya has special seats for women representatives in parliament while political parties in South Africa and Mozambique have adopted internal rules to ensure a certain percentage of women can vie for office.
D) Women are key to the new breed of politicians who offer Africa the opportunity for democracy. It is interesting that three female African leaders assumed office during crises or transitions. Ms. Sirleaf Johnson of Liberia was elected after 13-yr devastating civil war, Ms. Joyce Banda who had been vice president of Malawi took over after president Bingu died in office and Catherine Samba-Panza was sworn in amid rebellion and sectarian violence in the Central African Republic and Ms. Ruth Perry headed the interim government following cease fire negotiations that ended almost two decades of war in Liberia.
E) Women's political participation has also been enhanced by the growing drive from the civil society in fostering women's participation in leadership. The civil society has been instrumental in creating awareness of women's rights.
F) Education has empowered many women to join and form political parties thereby enabling them to participate in political activities
G) The promulgation of women's movement groups in Africa have led to an increase of the number of women involved in politics. The groups have been of much importance as they have lobbied for women's political leadership.
Gaskiya.net. There is a very touching story on the formation of your charity group....NEW DAWN AFRICA...How did it start?
Waithera Chege I am a philanthropist. I love improving the well being of human kind by preventing and solving social problems.
New Dawn Africa has been in existence for sometime now. I had a bad experience with the street boys some years back. They stole my handbag. Rather than running to the police station I engaged them and got an insight into the challenges that plagued them. This led us to start a reform process through education and the birth of PICK ME UP organisation that I founded to empower and give teenage mothers a second chance for education. Today through PMU we are educating girls and catering for their school fees, supporting them in other ways too. Helping build stronger communities Offering time and services to a needy group.
It may sound contradictory but one important aspect of building wealth is philanthropy. While government play a role in providing support to people who need assistance, government funding lacks the precision needed to support all who need help.
The act of giving leads to happiness and satisfaction Matthew 25;40 states " I say unto you, whatever you did for one of these least brothers of mine, you did for me". Providing education to teenage mothers from poor background is my new project. Mothers who live in abject poverty are now back to school thanks to "Pick Me Up" (PMU) organisation that I chair. The results of philanthropy are always beyond calculation
Gaskiya.net What are the prevalent problems in your community and how do you intend to solve them ?
Waithera Chege. My community consists of a slum that's desperately crowded. The slum is home to more than 60% of the total population. One of the biggest challenge is that the slum is not formally recognised by the government and thus lack basic services such as water, sanitation and health services. Uninsulated electricity cables hang precariously in people's homes. The residents know the dangers but they have no choice. You find a water vending kiosk standing beside two dirty, poorly constructed pit latrines.
Providing basics remain a big challenge in Marigu-ini, Fuata Nyayo, Kisii, Kabirira, Kaiyaba and Mukuru slums within Nairobi south ward. The crisis of poor infrastructure, overcrowding, limited resources and poor sanitation facilities is exacerbated further by a high disease rate, characterised by high levels of malnutrition amoung children and the aged. High rate of communicable diseases like typhoid, malaria, tuberculosis with most families unable to afford medical care. The few health facilities available are understaffed and lack basic equipments.
Lack of jobs for many of the young inhabitants means turning to crime to make ends meet. The government has really tried by providing funds to start small businesses but again you find young people are not showing interest because they lack creativity. Organised gangs and criminal elements within slums have rendered many homeless for fear of attack. The social networks, the business, the employment opportunities and the low cost of living attracts new residents despite the harsh circumstances.
How we are solving the problem
1. Taking advantage of government youth and women funds to create more
opportunities and initiatives.
2. Lobby for review of laws that hinder quick access to credit facilities
3. Discourage further rural to urban migration by urging the government to
provide services to rural set ups. To stop overcrowding.
4. Slum upgrading is a government initiative that will help improve the
life of slum dwellers
5. Lobby Nairobi County to improve the existing informal sanitation
facilities
Gaskiya.net Should the electorate vote for you as a women's rights activist?
Waithera Chege. Yes because I practice positive activism. They say when you educate a woman...you have educated the whole community. It is through the fight for women's rights that teenage mothers are back to school. Thanks to PICK ME UP ( PMU) an organisation i founded. Modelling them to be the next Hillary Clinton.
Through civic education women are able to participate in elections, speak in public and demand for their rights. Am also leading women empowerment initiatives in my country. I am the chair of one of the biggest merry go rounding investing in millions of shillings in the Sunlife group. Men and youth have not been left behind we have equipped them with skills like mechanics, carpenters, matatu drivers through New Dawn Africa. We only need a back up to double the effort.
Gaskiya.net A shot at Kenyan presidency in future?
Waithera Chege. Anything is possible. I believe in me. The question isn't who is going to let me...it's who is going to stop me.
Thank you.
GASKIYA WEEKENDER... stories from all over Africa
KENYA. Firm to assemble VW cars in Thika By Victor Juma The Nation Motor dealer DT Dobie is set to start assembling Volkswagen vehicles, including light trucks, at the Thika-based Kenya Vehicle Manufacturers plant in which it has a 32.5 per cent stake. The company, which took over the VW franchise from CMC Holdings, has been importing the German vehicles fully built from markets such as South Africa. Volkswagen South Africa CEO Thomas Schafer said the German multinational will later this year start assembling some of its models in Thika, having stopped local assembly in the 1970s. |
NIGERIA. AFRIMA - Jury releases full nominee list
Vanguard The African Union Commission, AUC, and the 13-man Jury of the All Africa Music Awards, AFRIMA, have released the highly anticipated 2016 nominees list for the Continental Categories of Africa's leading awards project. The 2016 AFRIMA continental nominees list was released to the public via the media and on the AFRIMA website during the week. It was released about two weeks after the nominees list for the Regional Categories of the awards were unveiled on Monday, August 22, in Lagos. The 22 continental nomination categories include different music genres, as well as coveted categories of "Artiste of the Year in Africa", "Best Video in Africa", "Best Producer in Africa", "Best Songwriter in Africa" and "Revelation of the Year in Africa". Full story here |
RIO Paralympics Opening Ceremony - Agege Bread Makes Global Appearance...
A loaf of bread popular with Nigerians and Ghanaians and commonly referred to as "Agege bread" seemed to have been part of the opening ceremony at the Rio Paralympics which opened on September 7 . From the commentaries monitored on several networks, this particular loaf which is similar to the west Indian hard dough bread, is common with the inhabitants of the Rio Favelas.
Entertainment. Reggae music - alive and kicking in Africa.
The period from the late 1970’s into the 80’s and mid 90’s witnessed an onslaught against the wicked apartheid system which held a number of countries in southern Africa hostage. While some advocates campaigned for sanctions to be imposed on the offending governments, others called for military options.
In the middle of all these stood a group who advocated for neither sanctions nor military attacks – they opted to wage war against apartheid through music-reggae music. Reggae artistes particularly those of Jamaican descent took the war against apartheid to heart releasing song after song attacking the evil system. It must be noted these reggae songs were quite popular in these parts of Africa and perhaps explain the rationale behind the love Jamaican artistes receive today all over Africa.
While the war against apartheid may have been won, the relationship between Africa and Jamaican reggae artistes continues to blossom. Today Africa boasts of countless reggae artistes who trace their musical influence to Jamaican artistes like Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, Buju Banton, Capelton, Sizzla Kalonji, Morgan Heritage. Jamaican artistes not only visit Africa on a regular basis, some have even gone step further by actually moving to Africa. The reggae band Morgan Heritage are now reportedly living in Kenya. Just a few years ago, Sizzla Kalonji moved to Zimbabwe for a considerable period of time. Out of Africa, Ghana’s Blakk Rasta (real name Abubakar Ahmed) continues to fly the flag for Africa on the reggae scene especially in Europe and other parts of the world. Blakk Rasta is a very respected artiste with a strong following particularly amongst the youths in his native Ghana. Africa’s number one reggae D J on radio who has been on air for 25 years Ayodele Olowo-Ake aka Daddy Faizer spins reggae tunes on two radio stations in Lagos and his weekly shows sometimes include live interviews with reggae artistes from Jamaica and the United kingdom.
Today reggae music is stronger in Africa than ever before. It can even be said that reggae has found its home in Africa. After all reggae’s queen and number one ambassador Rita Marley now lives in Ghana. This evidently shows the music will forever live in Africa.
In the middle of all these stood a group who advocated for neither sanctions nor military attacks – they opted to wage war against apartheid through music-reggae music. Reggae artistes particularly those of Jamaican descent took the war against apartheid to heart releasing song after song attacking the evil system. It must be noted these reggae songs were quite popular in these parts of Africa and perhaps explain the rationale behind the love Jamaican artistes receive today all over Africa.
While the war against apartheid may have been won, the relationship between Africa and Jamaican reggae artistes continues to blossom. Today Africa boasts of countless reggae artistes who trace their musical influence to Jamaican artistes like Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, Buju Banton, Capelton, Sizzla Kalonji, Morgan Heritage. Jamaican artistes not only visit Africa on a regular basis, some have even gone step further by actually moving to Africa. The reggae band Morgan Heritage are now reportedly living in Kenya. Just a few years ago, Sizzla Kalonji moved to Zimbabwe for a considerable period of time. Out of Africa, Ghana’s Blakk Rasta (real name Abubakar Ahmed) continues to fly the flag for Africa on the reggae scene especially in Europe and other parts of the world. Blakk Rasta is a very respected artiste with a strong following particularly amongst the youths in his native Ghana. Africa’s number one reggae D J on radio who has been on air for 25 years Ayodele Olowo-Ake aka Daddy Faizer spins reggae tunes on two radio stations in Lagos and his weekly shows sometimes include live interviews with reggae artistes from Jamaica and the United kingdom.
Today reggae music is stronger in Africa than ever before. It can even be said that reggae has found its home in Africa. After all reggae’s queen and number one ambassador Rita Marley now lives in Ghana. This evidently shows the music will forever live in Africa.
Nigeria's laudable school feeding programme
“On a larger economic scale, the policy—whose success will greatly rest on farmers and communities who would prepare the food—is likely to boost aggregate food production, as feeding 30 million children in Nigeria’s primary and secondary school system would naturally provide a captive market for farmers and those communities. The impact of this on the country’s GDP cannot be over-emphasised, further boosting efforts to diversify the economy by boost food production.”
The new policy of the Nigerian Federal Government to provide feeding for school children across the country, estimated to cost a princely sum is a welcome development. It is a continuation of what had begun in 2005, when the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidency and other partners had initiated what was then known as the Home Grown School Feeding Programme (HGSFP) and is a good commentary on the continuation of responsible policy—something that is rare to find in Nigeria, as successive administration seemingly often sought to ‘re-invent the wheel.’
While ordinarily such a policy would have been good for the country as it would, at the very least, marginally reduce the daily expenses parents incur keeping their child in school, given the economic challenges confronting the nation today, it forms part of a larger socio-economic strategy of confronting malnutrition and poverty. The way the present administration in that country seeks to proceed with the policy is indicative of a determination to concurrently boost the attention span of children in school.
The poor state of the economy, insecurity in some parts of the nation and lack of employment opportunities have combined to reduce the number of children in school. Some parents who lost their jobs cannot keep their wards in school, those whose areas of abode are frequently targeted by terrorists and violent criminals have relocated and with it, taken their children out of school, while the lack of employment has become de-motivating and discouraged many from continuing their education, not being sure there will be a job waiting for them.
The policy of the Federal Government of Nigeria therefore to re-start the school feeding programme is seen by many as laudable. This is particularly so as well because 42% of children in primary and junior secondary school are said to suffer from malnutrition and by providing them with a balanced diet, at least once a day, the authorities may be executing what amounts to a sound preventive health policy.
On a larger economic scale, the policy—whose success will greatly rest on farmers and communities who would prepare the food—is likely to boost aggregate food production, as feeding 30 million children in Nigeria’s primary and secondary school system would naturally provide a captive market for farmers and those communities. The impact of this on the country’s GDP cannot be over-emphasised, further boosting efforts to diversify the economy by boost food production.
It is hoped that those who will execute this programme will be faithful and diligent and that they will be fully apprised of the reasoning behind it so that they could ensure that it does not fail. If approached with this mindset, it is likely to become more successful than was intended. Government must also expect that the policy could lure many out-of-school children back there, and therefore prepare for an increase in the enrolment figure thereafter. This will could ultimately require the provision of more classrooms, supporting infrastructure and logistics.
Ultimately, the success of the programme will greatly depend on the level of cooperation accorded it by Nigeria’s 36 State Governments. Those States administered by opposition parties must not allow politics to interfere with the laudable goals of the scheme. The interest of the Nigerian child should be paramount and should not only be pursued, but must be protected as well.
Nigeria. Destroying the Niger Delta, by its people for its people
Picture www.blogs.premiumtimesng.com
“The current targeted vandalisation of oil installations by groups alleged to favour certain political interests is not in the interest of Nigeria, but more significantly, it damages the collective interest of the people of the Niger Delta more. It is simply no longer an attractive option and if it is true that indeed the resurgent violence is inspired by some political forces, it would rank as nothing but a lamentable tragedy…”
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria, known for producing most of the country’s 2.5 million barrels of crude oil per day, comprises roughly of about 9 States, and is blessed with two vegetation belts—the swamp and rain forests. It also has coastal barrier islands and freshwater swamps making its features not only pristine, but a potential ecotourism destination. Furthermore, its 20,000 square kilometres of wetlands makes up about 8% of the Nigeria’s total land area.
The wetlands in question are the largest in Nigeria and are reckoned to be the third largest of such natural drainage basins on the African continent. Without any doubt, the region possesses an intrinsic biodiversity that is as varied in in its biodiversity, as it is in the types of fauna and flora that it flaunts.
Rather unfortunately, the Delta has come to be synonymous with oil spills, oil theft, vandalism, piracy and sheer brigandage. The lack of respect for environmental integrity that the oil companies exhibited before sanity prevailed in recent times, has been seemingly revived by the activity of indigenes of the area themselves, who now destroy pipelines to make a point in their alleged support for certain political interests.
While it is unfortunate that the people of the area, the State Governments and the Federal administration have over the years focussed only on leveraging crude oil to further their various group, economic and political interests, the immense tourism potentials of the region have been emasculated by this single-minded focus on crude oil alone. The opportunity that the low demand for crude oil presents today in being able to force a re-think of Nigeria’s economic options is still being overlooked, while the usual suspects continue to extract the last drop of black gold from depleting oil wells.
The current targeted vandalisation of oil installations by groups alleged to favour certain political interests is not in the interest of Nigeria, but more significantly, it damages the collective interest of the people of the Niger Delta more. It is simply no longer an attractive option and if it is true that indeed the resurgent violence is inspired by some political forces, it would rank as nothing but a lamentable tragedy—that Niger Deltans themselves are willing to destroy their own environment and perhaps have a few of their own people killed, simply to satiate the ego of some expired warlords and protect those who, consistent with the allegations of grand theft and larceny against them, never considered it important to invest such hefty sums to develop the area in the first place.
“The current targeted vandalisation of oil installations by groups alleged to favour certain political interests is not in the interest of Nigeria, but more significantly, it damages the collective interest of the people of the Niger Delta more. It is simply no longer an attractive option and if it is true that indeed the resurgent violence is inspired by some political forces, it would rank as nothing but a lamentable tragedy…”
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria, known for producing most of the country’s 2.5 million barrels of crude oil per day, comprises roughly of about 9 States, and is blessed with two vegetation belts—the swamp and rain forests. It also has coastal barrier islands and freshwater swamps making its features not only pristine, but a potential ecotourism destination. Furthermore, its 20,000 square kilometres of wetlands makes up about 8% of the Nigeria’s total land area.
The wetlands in question are the largest in Nigeria and are reckoned to be the third largest of such natural drainage basins on the African continent. Without any doubt, the region possesses an intrinsic biodiversity that is as varied in in its biodiversity, as it is in the types of fauna and flora that it flaunts.
Rather unfortunately, the Delta has come to be synonymous with oil spills, oil theft, vandalism, piracy and sheer brigandage. The lack of respect for environmental integrity that the oil companies exhibited before sanity prevailed in recent times, has been seemingly revived by the activity of indigenes of the area themselves, who now destroy pipelines to make a point in their alleged support for certain political interests.
While it is unfortunate that the people of the area, the State Governments and the Federal administration have over the years focussed only on leveraging crude oil to further their various group, economic and political interests, the immense tourism potentials of the region have been emasculated by this single-minded focus on crude oil alone. The opportunity that the low demand for crude oil presents today in being able to force a re-think of Nigeria’s economic options is still being overlooked, while the usual suspects continue to extract the last drop of black gold from depleting oil wells.
The current targeted vandalisation of oil installations by groups alleged to favour certain political interests is not in the interest of Nigeria, but more significantly, it damages the collective interest of the people of the Niger Delta more. It is simply no longer an attractive option and if it is true that indeed the resurgent violence is inspired by some political forces, it would rank as nothing but a lamentable tragedy—that Niger Deltans themselves are willing to destroy their own environment and perhaps have a few of their own people killed, simply to satiate the ego of some expired warlords and protect those who, consistent with the allegations of grand theft and larceny against them, never considered it important to invest such hefty sums to develop the area in the first place.
Nigeria. Health Facilities And Delivery System In Sorry State. Minister Needs To Wake Up
Prof Isaac Folorunso Adewole has to wake up!
One of the sectors badly hit by everything wrong in Nigeria today is the country’s health delivery system. Despite the global commendation that greeted the country’s commendable response to the unfortunate Ebola epidemic that hit the nation in October 2014, the Nigerian health sector can very well rank as the poster sector for the decayed system the country is trying to fix now.
The problems are numerous, but certain anomalies are glaring and difficult to ignore. They include lack of modern teaching and instructional methods / tools in the medical colleges, wrong diagnosis by medical practitioners, non-functioning medical equipment and the continued use of uncalibrated devices and machines to perform tests, compromised ethical standards and lack of respect for professional ethics, as well as ineffectual response to malpractices by medical professionals (and so on and so forth).
As a result of some or all of the above, Nigerians scurry abroad for medical treatment, expending anything between USD 1 billion to USD2.5 billion annually in this regard, leading to a deep strain on the country’s foreign exchange reserves. Indeed, President Muhammadu Buhari has not tired of publicly announcing that he is determined to reverse this unfortunate trend that has seen not only the country’s citizens suffer, but posed a threat to the health of the nation’s economy as well.
Indeed, the lack of confidence expressed by Nigerians in the health delivery system is so pronounced that even politicians in power go abroad for the minutest of medical interventions. This trend has to stop forthwith, while the country takes urgent steps to confront the problems. While the resolution of some of these problems are short term, others would only be solved between the medium to long term.
Yet it was not always like this! Nigeria once boasted of having some of the best medical doctors in the world. Indeed, time it was when the country provided the bulk of the doctors manning key medical establishments in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States (in the 1980s). It is most likely that the current Minister of Health was himself one of those practitioners. Indeed, even today, there are over 3,000 Nigerian doctors in the United Kingdom, not to count those practising in the United States of America. In those climes, they’re considered as belonging to the top league of medical professionals.
Back home in Nigeria however, there is nothing in the public domain today to indicate that the Honourable Minister of Health, Professor Isaac Folorunso Adewole is doing anything to confront any of those issues that have brought the country to this sorry pass. To cite one minor example, a recent celebrated case of alleged malpractice by health practitioners at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital was left in the hand of the hospital management (the accused) to investigate. No conscious and publicly visible plan has been announced or proposed to stem the increasing problem of wrong diagnosis. Medical equipment in various hospitals that are suspected to have either outlived their usefulness or that have not been calibrated are alleged to remain in use in many facilities, leading to medical doctors issuing wrong prescriptions, etc.
In short, several months into his appointment as Minister of Health, Professor Adewole is yet to show that he is the right man for this job. If indeed the morning determines the day (as a proverb common to many Nigerian cultures prescribe), then there is cause for worry about the ability of the Minister to deliver.Yet, he has the pedigree to make his mark, just as the late Professor Olikoye Ransome-Kuti left his footprints in the Nigerian health delivery system. Adewole is a well-respected medical doctor and rose to the enviable Vice-Chancellorship of the University of Ibadan—the country’s premier university, which also has its premier medical college. The Honourable Minister has to wake up, hire competent aides, engage with all stakeholders, and begin to devise and implement strategies to turn the country’s health system around. If there is any sector that has to be revived urgently (like yesterday), with absolutely no doubt, it is Nigeria’s health sector. The citizens of that country cannot tolerate excuses any longer for lack of performance.
One of the sectors badly hit by everything wrong in Nigeria today is the country’s health delivery system. Despite the global commendation that greeted the country’s commendable response to the unfortunate Ebola epidemic that hit the nation in October 2014, the Nigerian health sector can very well rank as the poster sector for the decayed system the country is trying to fix now.
The problems are numerous, but certain anomalies are glaring and difficult to ignore. They include lack of modern teaching and instructional methods / tools in the medical colleges, wrong diagnosis by medical practitioners, non-functioning medical equipment and the continued use of uncalibrated devices and machines to perform tests, compromised ethical standards and lack of respect for professional ethics, as well as ineffectual response to malpractices by medical professionals (and so on and so forth).
As a result of some or all of the above, Nigerians scurry abroad for medical treatment, expending anything between USD 1 billion to USD2.5 billion annually in this regard, leading to a deep strain on the country’s foreign exchange reserves. Indeed, President Muhammadu Buhari has not tired of publicly announcing that he is determined to reverse this unfortunate trend that has seen not only the country’s citizens suffer, but posed a threat to the health of the nation’s economy as well.
Indeed, the lack of confidence expressed by Nigerians in the health delivery system is so pronounced that even politicians in power go abroad for the minutest of medical interventions. This trend has to stop forthwith, while the country takes urgent steps to confront the problems. While the resolution of some of these problems are short term, others would only be solved between the medium to long term.
Yet it was not always like this! Nigeria once boasted of having some of the best medical doctors in the world. Indeed, time it was when the country provided the bulk of the doctors manning key medical establishments in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States (in the 1980s). It is most likely that the current Minister of Health was himself one of those practitioners. Indeed, even today, there are over 3,000 Nigerian doctors in the United Kingdom, not to count those practising in the United States of America. In those climes, they’re considered as belonging to the top league of medical professionals.
Back home in Nigeria however, there is nothing in the public domain today to indicate that the Honourable Minister of Health, Professor Isaac Folorunso Adewole is doing anything to confront any of those issues that have brought the country to this sorry pass. To cite one minor example, a recent celebrated case of alleged malpractice by health practitioners at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital was left in the hand of the hospital management (the accused) to investigate. No conscious and publicly visible plan has been announced or proposed to stem the increasing problem of wrong diagnosis. Medical equipment in various hospitals that are suspected to have either outlived their usefulness or that have not been calibrated are alleged to remain in use in many facilities, leading to medical doctors issuing wrong prescriptions, etc.
In short, several months into his appointment as Minister of Health, Professor Adewole is yet to show that he is the right man for this job. If indeed the morning determines the day (as a proverb common to many Nigerian cultures prescribe), then there is cause for worry about the ability of the Minister to deliver.Yet, he has the pedigree to make his mark, just as the late Professor Olikoye Ransome-Kuti left his footprints in the Nigerian health delivery system. Adewole is a well-respected medical doctor and rose to the enviable Vice-Chancellorship of the University of Ibadan—the country’s premier university, which also has its premier medical college. The Honourable Minister has to wake up, hire competent aides, engage with all stakeholders, and begin to devise and implement strategies to turn the country’s health system around. If there is any sector that has to be revived urgently (like yesterday), with absolutely no doubt, it is Nigeria’s health sector. The citizens of that country cannot tolerate excuses any longer for lack of performance.
Gashaka Gumti as the face of Nigeria’s new tourism ambitions
Gashaka Gumti as the face of Nigeria’s new Tourism ambitions
It is crystal clear that Nigeria is struggling to reposition her economy at this point in time, battling to put in place something that ought to have been done decades ago. Without doubt, the sole reliance on crude oil as the country’s net foreign exchange earner over the past four decades has now become an albatross, with dwindling demand and the perfecting of other alternative sources to the product.
One major area in which Nigeria can quickly effect a turnaround is clearly in agriculture, given the rising output in the growing of certain crops such as Cassava and Cocoa. Indeed, despite the dim picture in this sector, Nigeria is today the world’s largest producer of Cassava, but needs to transform this by exporting finished goods and not raw produce.
Not far behind agriculture is tourism. Why the country has not been able to do anything tangible in this sector could be attributed to the type of policy in place and certain allied challenges, including a dearth of infrastructure. For example, there are those who argue that Nigeria does not need Federal intervention in tourism and that this sector should be left entirely in the hands of State Governments. They cite as example the commendable effort of the Cross River State Government, (beginning with the administration of ex-Governor Donald Duke), that has successfully transformed the economy of the State and loosened its dependence on crude oil. Today, Cross River State is Nigeria’s number one tourism destination (displacing Plateau State) and boasts of impressive tourism sites with the Obudu Cattle Ranch as its flagship.
The Duke administration re-invested earnings from crude oil into agriculture (massive pineapple plantations), business park (Tinapa), annual Calabar International Carnival, and upgraded the Obudu Cattle Ranch by building more chalets and installing what is todayAfrica’s longest cable car facility. While it was not always smooth sailing and while not all the projects have met initial projections (e.g. Tinapa), the fact remains that Cross River State is the best example anywhere in Africa of how a Government successfully shifted dependence on any single product, to diversifying its source of income. This strongly lends credence to the argument that the Federal Government has no business in tourism!
As the Federal administration continues with efforts to diversify Nigeria’s economy, tourism should be developed and promoted. Many Nigerians do not know that the most diversified nature park on the continent of Africa lies within the borders of their country. Of Nigeria’s several nature reserves (Obudu Cattle Ranch, Old Oyo National Park, Yankari Games Reserve, Kamuku National Park, Kainji National Park, Chad Basin National Park, Sambisa National Park, etc.,) it is the Gashaka Gumpti National Park that should deservedly serve as the icon of her tourism ambitions.
At 6,700 square kilometres, it is the country’s largest park, dotted by rolling hills, savanah, forests, rivers, springs, and mountains. It boasts of virtually all forms of wildlife (lions, elephants, hippos, giraffes, leopards, crocodiles, golden cat, buffaloes, olive baboon and giant forest hog, monkeys, etc.) and flora. Described as “a bio-diversity hotspot,” it also has Nigeria’s highest mountain peak—the Chappal Waddi! Gashaka is surely the poster park for Nigeria’s revived tourism ambitions and should rightly be leveraged by the relevant government agencies to push for a vibrant alternative to crude oil.
Getting to becoming a preferred tourism destination for Nigeria will not be easy. To however smoothen that journey, the Federal and State Governments need to hasten access to identified tourism spots by building or resurfacing roads, airports and encouraging the private sector to invest in hotels and other ancillary services. Again, Cross River State can serve as a benchmark.
Nigeria’s tourism planners should take consolation in the fact that the country has more vegetation belts (Swamp Forest, Rain Forest, Guinea Savanah, Sudan Savanah and Sahel Savanah), thereby offering a wider fauna and flora than the East African States that are currently preferred tourist destinations. However, the Federal Government in particular must guarantee security nationwide, re-orientate Immigration, Police and Customs officials and enhance the safety of air navigation. State Governments on whose territory these tourism sites are should undertake better management of the parks (including exploring public-private partnerships) by bringing in the best personnel from anywhere in the world to manage them. The wildlife in these parks should be protected and strenuous efforts be made to ensure that their population is progressively increased. This will entail promulgating harsh penalties for forest encroachment, poaching, and indiscriminate bush burning.
According to the World Tourism Organisation, Kenya earned USD1.8billion from tourism in 2014, while Nigeria, with her rather poor infrastructural facilities in the same sector (by comparison), earned an encouraging USD600m in the same period. You can therefore imagine how much the country can make from tourism if it ups its game, as they say these days…and the good thing is that income from this sector benefits everyone down the value chain and not just the State. This is why a vigorous tourism development approach has become imperative and must be backed by revised policy to be executed by competent persons.
Pictures courtesy of jay Johnson
It is crystal clear that Nigeria is struggling to reposition her economy at this point in time, battling to put in place something that ought to have been done decades ago. Without doubt, the sole reliance on crude oil as the country’s net foreign exchange earner over the past four decades has now become an albatross, with dwindling demand and the perfecting of other alternative sources to the product.
One major area in which Nigeria can quickly effect a turnaround is clearly in agriculture, given the rising output in the growing of certain crops such as Cassava and Cocoa. Indeed, despite the dim picture in this sector, Nigeria is today the world’s largest producer of Cassava, but needs to transform this by exporting finished goods and not raw produce.
Not far behind agriculture is tourism. Why the country has not been able to do anything tangible in this sector could be attributed to the type of policy in place and certain allied challenges, including a dearth of infrastructure. For example, there are those who argue that Nigeria does not need Federal intervention in tourism and that this sector should be left entirely in the hands of State Governments. They cite as example the commendable effort of the Cross River State Government, (beginning with the administration of ex-Governor Donald Duke), that has successfully transformed the economy of the State and loosened its dependence on crude oil. Today, Cross River State is Nigeria’s number one tourism destination (displacing Plateau State) and boasts of impressive tourism sites with the Obudu Cattle Ranch as its flagship.
The Duke administration re-invested earnings from crude oil into agriculture (massive pineapple plantations), business park (Tinapa), annual Calabar International Carnival, and upgraded the Obudu Cattle Ranch by building more chalets and installing what is todayAfrica’s longest cable car facility. While it was not always smooth sailing and while not all the projects have met initial projections (e.g. Tinapa), the fact remains that Cross River State is the best example anywhere in Africa of how a Government successfully shifted dependence on any single product, to diversifying its source of income. This strongly lends credence to the argument that the Federal Government has no business in tourism!
As the Federal administration continues with efforts to diversify Nigeria’s economy, tourism should be developed and promoted. Many Nigerians do not know that the most diversified nature park on the continent of Africa lies within the borders of their country. Of Nigeria’s several nature reserves (Obudu Cattle Ranch, Old Oyo National Park, Yankari Games Reserve, Kamuku National Park, Kainji National Park, Chad Basin National Park, Sambisa National Park, etc.,) it is the Gashaka Gumpti National Park that should deservedly serve as the icon of her tourism ambitions.
At 6,700 square kilometres, it is the country’s largest park, dotted by rolling hills, savanah, forests, rivers, springs, and mountains. It boasts of virtually all forms of wildlife (lions, elephants, hippos, giraffes, leopards, crocodiles, golden cat, buffaloes, olive baboon and giant forest hog, monkeys, etc.) and flora. Described as “a bio-diversity hotspot,” it also has Nigeria’s highest mountain peak—the Chappal Waddi! Gashaka is surely the poster park for Nigeria’s revived tourism ambitions and should rightly be leveraged by the relevant government agencies to push for a vibrant alternative to crude oil.
Getting to becoming a preferred tourism destination for Nigeria will not be easy. To however smoothen that journey, the Federal and State Governments need to hasten access to identified tourism spots by building or resurfacing roads, airports and encouraging the private sector to invest in hotels and other ancillary services. Again, Cross River State can serve as a benchmark.
Nigeria’s tourism planners should take consolation in the fact that the country has more vegetation belts (Swamp Forest, Rain Forest, Guinea Savanah, Sudan Savanah and Sahel Savanah), thereby offering a wider fauna and flora than the East African States that are currently preferred tourist destinations. However, the Federal Government in particular must guarantee security nationwide, re-orientate Immigration, Police and Customs officials and enhance the safety of air navigation. State Governments on whose territory these tourism sites are should undertake better management of the parks (including exploring public-private partnerships) by bringing in the best personnel from anywhere in the world to manage them. The wildlife in these parks should be protected and strenuous efforts be made to ensure that their population is progressively increased. This will entail promulgating harsh penalties for forest encroachment, poaching, and indiscriminate bush burning.
According to the World Tourism Organisation, Kenya earned USD1.8billion from tourism in 2014, while Nigeria, with her rather poor infrastructural facilities in the same sector (by comparison), earned an encouraging USD600m in the same period. You can therefore imagine how much the country can make from tourism if it ups its game, as they say these days…and the good thing is that income from this sector benefits everyone down the value chain and not just the State. This is why a vigorous tourism development approach has become imperative and must be backed by revised policy to be executed by competent persons.
Pictures courtesy of jay Johnson
Nigeria. The Need To Plough Back Recovered Funds Into Defence Procurement.
Over the past few months, a huge amount of money allegedly embezzled by public functionaries who served in the past Federal administration in Nigeria have been recovered through the anti-corruption efforts of the Muhammadu Buhari regime. These public officials include civilian and military officers, some of who are currently being tried in the courts of law.
A sizeable chunk of these funds were said to have been illegally taken out of the budgeted amount meant for purchasing weapons, platforms and necessary devices for the use of the Nigerian Armed Forces. As the recovery of the said looted funds continues, one question on the lips of strategic experts is whether the government would use these monies for re-equipping the military as was originally intended.
That question arises when one considers the growing threats before Nigeria. While the danger posed by the terrorists operating in the country’s north east have been significantly diminished and the capacity of that group to hold territory destroyed, the porous borders along Nigeria’s north eastern frontier continues to pose a grave threat, as weapons could still be illegally imported into that part of the country from as far away as Libya. When the activities of freelancing fundamentalist organisations operating in Mali and Mauritania to the north west of Nigeria are factored in, the need for the country’s military, especially her air force, to have the capacity and capability to engage those threats far beyond Nigeria’s borders easily comes into perspective.
Down south, in the Niger Delta and in the adjoining Gulf of Guinea, several maritime threats exist—ranging from the actions of economic saboteurs, to the determined, albeit illegal enterprise of pirates and crude oil thieves. Nigeria’s neighbours to the west—the Republics of Benin and Togo—have equally come under threats from pirates who have hijacked ships within their territorial waters. The Republics of Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea have not been spared as well, having suffered similar fate at various times. These threats require a robust naval presence, enhanced by the availability of various platforms, ranging from small, fast boats, to frigates and landing platform docks equipped with appropriate weapons and systems.
The likelihood of international connivance in favour of the illegal activities going on in these waters makes it imperative that the Nigerian Navy possesses extensive over-the-horizon surveillance systems and long-range missile capabilityto deter rogue states from messing in Nigeria’s territorial or adjoining waters.On land, the proliferation of small arms and the activity of ethnic irredentists and religious bigots suggest that the Nigerian Army continues to not only train appropriately to respond to such threats in support of civil authority, but also update its own fighting vehicles and other platforms.
Sadly, the economy of the country is presently facing significant liquidity challenges, but these threats, if not adequately confronted, would make any effort at economic recovery ineffective and exacerbate the suffering of the citizenry. This is why it has become important for the administration of President Buhari to ensure that if not all, at least a sizeable chunk of what has been recovered from the stolen defence funds is actually ploughed into defence procurement to enhance the capability and professionalism of the Nigerian Armed Forces as earlier intended. The Nigerian Air Force in particular is in need of airframes with strategic capability to ensure protection of not just Nigeria, but close neighbouring states who lack the economic and military resources with which to secure their own borders and people. Not taking this step urgently would only embolden purveyors of these threats to Nigeria and her neighbours, and undermine the integrity of their individual and collective sovereignty.
A sizeable chunk of these funds were said to have been illegally taken out of the budgeted amount meant for purchasing weapons, platforms and necessary devices for the use of the Nigerian Armed Forces. As the recovery of the said looted funds continues, one question on the lips of strategic experts is whether the government would use these monies for re-equipping the military as was originally intended.
That question arises when one considers the growing threats before Nigeria. While the danger posed by the terrorists operating in the country’s north east have been significantly diminished and the capacity of that group to hold territory destroyed, the porous borders along Nigeria’s north eastern frontier continues to pose a grave threat, as weapons could still be illegally imported into that part of the country from as far away as Libya. When the activities of freelancing fundamentalist organisations operating in Mali and Mauritania to the north west of Nigeria are factored in, the need for the country’s military, especially her air force, to have the capacity and capability to engage those threats far beyond Nigeria’s borders easily comes into perspective.
Down south, in the Niger Delta and in the adjoining Gulf of Guinea, several maritime threats exist—ranging from the actions of economic saboteurs, to the determined, albeit illegal enterprise of pirates and crude oil thieves. Nigeria’s neighbours to the west—the Republics of Benin and Togo—have equally come under threats from pirates who have hijacked ships within their territorial waters. The Republics of Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea have not been spared as well, having suffered similar fate at various times. These threats require a robust naval presence, enhanced by the availability of various platforms, ranging from small, fast boats, to frigates and landing platform docks equipped with appropriate weapons and systems.
The likelihood of international connivance in favour of the illegal activities going on in these waters makes it imperative that the Nigerian Navy possesses extensive over-the-horizon surveillance systems and long-range missile capabilityto deter rogue states from messing in Nigeria’s territorial or adjoining waters.On land, the proliferation of small arms and the activity of ethnic irredentists and religious bigots suggest that the Nigerian Army continues to not only train appropriately to respond to such threats in support of civil authority, but also update its own fighting vehicles and other platforms.
Sadly, the economy of the country is presently facing significant liquidity challenges, but these threats, if not adequately confronted, would make any effort at economic recovery ineffective and exacerbate the suffering of the citizenry. This is why it has become important for the administration of President Buhari to ensure that if not all, at least a sizeable chunk of what has been recovered from the stolen defence funds is actually ploughed into defence procurement to enhance the capability and professionalism of the Nigerian Armed Forces as earlier intended. The Nigerian Air Force in particular is in need of airframes with strategic capability to ensure protection of not just Nigeria, but close neighbouring states who lack the economic and military resources with which to secure their own borders and people. Not taking this step urgently would only embolden purveyors of these threats to Nigeria and her neighbours, and undermine the integrity of their individual and collective sovereignty.
Nigeria. President Buhari Must Demand A Change Of Attitude From Governors
As Nigerians have come to discover (as if they didn’t know this), the inability of the country to save part of the profit from crude oil sales—its primary export item—in the time of relative boom has plunged the country into difficult times.
The administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo—who some love to hate—actually left a handsome amount in the kitty on its departure from office in 2007. It is reported the government in question left USD50 billion in foreign reserves and USD20 billion in excess crude oil account (savings on earnings from crude oil). In effect, Nigeria was USD70 billion richer just some nine years ago, but has today been struggling to make ends meet!
At the time Obasanjo made those excess crude oil savings, Governors of Nigeria’s 36 semi-autonomous States dragged the Federal Government (over which he presided) to court, on the grounds that it had no Constitutionally-vested powers to effect deductions from their statutory allocations. That administration ignored them and during the time of late President UmaruYar’Adua, when there was a slump in oil prices, those excess crude oil savings were to rescue Nigeria.
Since the exit of that administration, the succeeding Federal governments, in the words of a former Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, lacked the “political will” to save for the rainy day. This is a sad commentary on the political leadership of the country and it is doubtful if today, any lessons have been learnt by the country’s State Governors, who have been variously described by some commentators as spending public funds liked a drunken sailor.
As the current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari has often warned, not saving for the rainy day has consequences—and adverse ones at that—and it behoves those in power at this time across the country’s federating units to imbibe the culture of saving, no matter how meagre their earnings may be at the moment. It is needless for Gaskiya.net to admonish that a complete turnaround is imperative if Nigeria is to surmount its present economic challenges and continue on a steady path of actualising her potentials.
President Buhari owes it to the future generation of Nigerians to demand a change of attitude on the part of those who superintend over local and State Government administrations across the land.If Nigeria’s all-powerful and high spending Governors however prefer doing things the same way, it would be extremely foolhardy on their part to expect a different result.
The administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo—who some love to hate—actually left a handsome amount in the kitty on its departure from office in 2007. It is reported the government in question left USD50 billion in foreign reserves and USD20 billion in excess crude oil account (savings on earnings from crude oil). In effect, Nigeria was USD70 billion richer just some nine years ago, but has today been struggling to make ends meet!
At the time Obasanjo made those excess crude oil savings, Governors of Nigeria’s 36 semi-autonomous States dragged the Federal Government (over which he presided) to court, on the grounds that it had no Constitutionally-vested powers to effect deductions from their statutory allocations. That administration ignored them and during the time of late President UmaruYar’Adua, when there was a slump in oil prices, those excess crude oil savings were to rescue Nigeria.
Since the exit of that administration, the succeeding Federal governments, in the words of a former Minister of Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, lacked the “political will” to save for the rainy day. This is a sad commentary on the political leadership of the country and it is doubtful if today, any lessons have been learnt by the country’s State Governors, who have been variously described by some commentators as spending public funds liked a drunken sailor.
As the current administration of President Muhammadu Buhari has often warned, not saving for the rainy day has consequences—and adverse ones at that—and it behoves those in power at this time across the country’s federating units to imbibe the culture of saving, no matter how meagre their earnings may be at the moment. It is needless for Gaskiya.net to admonish that a complete turnaround is imperative if Nigeria is to surmount its present economic challenges and continue on a steady path of actualising her potentials.
President Buhari owes it to the future generation of Nigerians to demand a change of attitude on the part of those who superintend over local and State Government administrations across the land.If Nigeria’s all-powerful and high spending Governors however prefer doing things the same way, it would be extremely foolhardy on their part to expect a different result.
NIgeria: Troops Kills Boko Haram Kingpin
By Ujunwa Ochulo The Guardian
A wanted Boko Haram kingpin has been killed by the troops of 7 Multinational Joint Task Force Brigade Quick Response Group stationed in Baga.
The Nigerian Army spokesman, Sani Usman, in a statement said the wanted terrorist, who is number 95 on the first Nigerian Army wanted list of 100 Boko Haram leaders, was fatally wounded during an exchange of fire on Thursday.
The Army spokesman did not give the terrorist's name but said he was travelling with some members of the terror group when they were ambushed by the troops along Daban Masara axis, a route used by Boko Haram terrorists to convey logistics.
"Other members of his team escaped with gunshot wounds," Usman said.
The troops recovered 7 Jerrycans of 30 litres containing 210 litres of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), motorcycles and food stuff in addition to arms and ammunitions.
A wanted Boko Haram kingpin has been killed by the troops of 7 Multinational Joint Task Force Brigade Quick Response Group stationed in Baga.
The Nigerian Army spokesman, Sani Usman, in a statement said the wanted terrorist, who is number 95 on the first Nigerian Army wanted list of 100 Boko Haram leaders, was fatally wounded during an exchange of fire on Thursday.
The Army spokesman did not give the terrorist's name but said he was travelling with some members of the terror group when they were ambushed by the troops along Daban Masara axis, a route used by Boko Haram terrorists to convey logistics.
"Other members of his team escaped with gunshot wounds," Usman said.
The troops recovered 7 Jerrycans of 30 litres containing 210 litres of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), motorcycles and food stuff in addition to arms and ammunitions.
DAILY MAIL UK EXCLUSIVE. Buhari's meeting with Tony Blair...the story behind the visit.
Excerpts from the Daily Mail article.
" At the Nigerian embassy, Blair was keen to discover more about the threat posed by Boko Haram, the Islamic terror group murdering hundreds of civilians in the north of the country.
Then, armed with the classified information, he sped in a motor cavalcade to the president’s office. It was their first meeting. Blair introduced himself grandly as ‘Britain’s most successful Prime Minister’ and then launched into his practised sales pitch.
‘I pioneered the skills to make government work effectively,’ he told the president. ‘The Delivery Unit is the leader’s weapon to make his government effective across the civil service and country.’
He offered to establish a delivery unit within Buhari’s government, with paid staff. But the president — a former army general and military dictator famous for imprisoning his opponents without trial — looked bored.So did Lebedev, who had only come along because he was interested in Blair’s charity work fighting the Ebola virus.
‘Could you all leave us alone now?’ Blair announced suddenly. ‘I have a personal message for the president from David Cameron.’
But it was nothing of the kind.
Twenty minutes later, Buhari emerged looking noticeably disgruntled. Blair, he told an aide, had used his access to tout for business on behalf of his private company, Tony Blair Associates.Without so much as a blush, he had offered to sell the president Israeli drones and other military equipment to help defeat the Boko Haram uprising. ‘Blair is just after business,’ muttered Buhari."
To read more click here www,dailymail.co.uk
" At the Nigerian embassy, Blair was keen to discover more about the threat posed by Boko Haram, the Islamic terror group murdering hundreds of civilians in the north of the country.
Then, armed with the classified information, he sped in a motor cavalcade to the president’s office. It was their first meeting. Blair introduced himself grandly as ‘Britain’s most successful Prime Minister’ and then launched into his practised sales pitch.
‘I pioneered the skills to make government work effectively,’ he told the president. ‘The Delivery Unit is the leader’s weapon to make his government effective across the civil service and country.’
He offered to establish a delivery unit within Buhari’s government, with paid staff. But the president — a former army general and military dictator famous for imprisoning his opponents without trial — looked bored.So did Lebedev, who had only come along because he was interested in Blair’s charity work fighting the Ebola virus.
‘Could you all leave us alone now?’ Blair announced suddenly. ‘I have a personal message for the president from David Cameron.’
But it was nothing of the kind.
Twenty minutes later, Buhari emerged looking noticeably disgruntled. Blair, he told an aide, had used his access to tout for business on behalf of his private company, Tony Blair Associates.Without so much as a blush, he had offered to sell the president Israeli drones and other military equipment to help defeat the Boko Haram uprising. ‘Blair is just after business,’ muttered Buhari."
To read more click here www,dailymail.co.uk
The African Transformation Forum To Hold In Rwanda
The African Transformation Forum (ATF), to be held in Kigali, Rwanda, from March 14 to 15, will create a standing continental event—Africa’s only forum devoted solely to transformation strategies and implementation challenges.
ACET will convene friends and partners in government, business, civil society, and the donor community in a peer-to-peer exchange of ideas on transformation pathways and on the actions to secure them.
Additionally, the forum will help advance the UN Sustainable Development Goals that are most related to economic transformation, including inclusive growth, sustainable agriculture, and industrialization.
The Forum will also launch the Coalition for Transformation, a diverse network of experts and practitioners who will work together long after the conference comes to a close to develop policy and program ideas, share best practices, and drive policy implementation across the continent.
ACET will convene friends and partners in government, business, civil society, and the donor community in a peer-to-peer exchange of ideas on transformation pathways and on the actions to secure them.
Additionally, the forum will help advance the UN Sustainable Development Goals that are most related to economic transformation, including inclusive growth, sustainable agriculture, and industrialization.
The Forum will also launch the Coalition for Transformation, a diverse network of experts and practitioners who will work together long after the conference comes to a close to develop policy and program ideas, share best practices, and drive policy implementation across the continent.
Uganda. Museveni maintains lead....
By Stephen Kafeero The Monitor. Kampala
President Museveni, the NRM presidential candidate, maintains a lead in the 2016 presidential race, according to findings of a new opinion poll.
The poll that was conducted between December 19, 2015, and January 10, gives President Museveni 51 per cent ahead of his closest rival Dr Kizza Besigye at 32 per cent.
A candidate requires 50 per cent plus one vote of the valid votes cast to be declared president, and results of an opinion poll released yesterday showed Mr Museveni would have obtained 51 per cent, with only 28 days left to the February 18, presidential election.
With a margin of error of +/-5, it statistically means the President could have obtained 56 per cent or 46 per cent of the votes, posing a likelihood of him losing the first round and forcing a re-run.
Research World International, a Kampala-based research firm, conducted the survey in partnership with NTV Uganda and Uganda Governance Monitoring platform.It shows that the FDC presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye, with 32 per cent, and Independent candidate Amama Mbabazi at 12 per cent, have made substantial gains since the campaigns began and are closing in on Mr Museveni.
President Museveni, the NRM presidential candidate, maintains a lead in the 2016 presidential race, according to findings of a new opinion poll.
The poll that was conducted between December 19, 2015, and January 10, gives President Museveni 51 per cent ahead of his closest rival Dr Kizza Besigye at 32 per cent.
A candidate requires 50 per cent plus one vote of the valid votes cast to be declared president, and results of an opinion poll released yesterday showed Mr Museveni would have obtained 51 per cent, with only 28 days left to the February 18, presidential election.
With a margin of error of +/-5, it statistically means the President could have obtained 56 per cent or 46 per cent of the votes, posing a likelihood of him losing the first round and forcing a re-run.
Research World International, a Kampala-based research firm, conducted the survey in partnership with NTV Uganda and Uganda Governance Monitoring platform.It shows that the FDC presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye, with 32 per cent, and Independent candidate Amama Mbabazi at 12 per cent, have made substantial gains since the campaigns began and are closing in on Mr Museveni.
CHAN 2016 kicks off...Nigeria confident.
Burkina Faso attacks - Ghana to support anti terror fight.
CHAN 2016. NIGERIA V. NIGER. Nigerian Coach Confident.....
Culled from Premium Times
Sunday Oliseh is confident the group of players chosen from the Nigeria Professional Football League, are strong enough to make an impression at the fourth Africa Nations championship that starts for the Eagles on Monday evening.
The former Super Eagles captain, who took over the team from Stephen Keshi, is banking on the camp atmosphere and the way the players have responded to their training camp in south Africa.
“The camp mood is very good, right from the beginning the boys have been focused and cohesion among them is great,” Oliseh told Goal Nigeria.
“We are building a team, our objective is not just about winning the championship, but for the team to get better and also build a solid team.
The team, led by Sharks defender, Chima Akas, will play Niger on Monday at the Stade Régional de Nyamirambo in Kigali.
Oliseh continued: “If you notice the team, the players are very young and we plan to integrate some of them to the main team for the AFCON and World Cup qualifiers.”Although players like Akas, Paul Onobi and goalkeeper, Ikechukwu Ezenwa, have all played for the main team.
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Burkina Faso Attacks - Ghana Issues Statement
Read the full statement below issued by the government of Ghana.
Government of Ghana condemns Terrorist Attacks in Burkina Faso
The Government of Ghana strongly condemns the terrorist attacks that took place over the last two days in Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso.
The attacks which started on Friday at the Splendid Hotel, the Cappuccino Cafe and also the Yibi Hotel in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso have since ended. Over twenty-eight persons lost their lives as a result of this tragedy.
We offer our heartfelt condolences to President Roch Marc Christian Kabore, the relatives of the deceased victims, and the Government and people of Burkina Faso. We stand with our sister country of Burkina Faso in this difficult time and are ready to enhance our cooperation and work together to see an end to this terrorist threat.
We commit ourselves to work with the countries within our ECOWAS region to ensure that our citizens can live in peace and security.
Signed:
Hanna S. Tetteh
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration
Culled from Premium Times
Sunday Oliseh is confident the group of players chosen from the Nigeria Professional Football League, are strong enough to make an impression at the fourth Africa Nations championship that starts for the Eagles on Monday evening.
The former Super Eagles captain, who took over the team from Stephen Keshi, is banking on the camp atmosphere and the way the players have responded to their training camp in south Africa.
“The camp mood is very good, right from the beginning the boys have been focused and cohesion among them is great,” Oliseh told Goal Nigeria.
“We are building a team, our objective is not just about winning the championship, but for the team to get better and also build a solid team.
The team, led by Sharks defender, Chima Akas, will play Niger on Monday at the Stade Régional de Nyamirambo in Kigali.
Oliseh continued: “If you notice the team, the players are very young and we plan to integrate some of them to the main team for the AFCON and World Cup qualifiers.”Although players like Akas, Paul Onobi and goalkeeper, Ikechukwu Ezenwa, have all played for the main team.
Click here to read the full story
Burkina Faso Attacks - Ghana Issues Statement
Read the full statement below issued by the government of Ghana.
Government of Ghana condemns Terrorist Attacks in Burkina Faso
The Government of Ghana strongly condemns the terrorist attacks that took place over the last two days in Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso.
The attacks which started on Friday at the Splendid Hotel, the Cappuccino Cafe and also the Yibi Hotel in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso have since ended. Over twenty-eight persons lost their lives as a result of this tragedy.
We offer our heartfelt condolences to President Roch Marc Christian Kabore, the relatives of the deceased victims, and the Government and people of Burkina Faso. We stand with our sister country of Burkina Faso in this difficult time and are ready to enhance our cooperation and work together to see an end to this terrorist threat.
We commit ourselves to work with the countries within our ECOWAS region to ensure that our citizens can live in peace and security.
Signed:
Hanna S. Tetteh
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration
Ghana goes gaga over crime fighting taxi driver
The Ghanaian president John Mahama is promising a reward of a house to the hero taxi driver who botched a planned and well executed robbery attack in Cantonments, Accra Saturday. In the same vein, the former president JJ Rawlings has said that the driver should be given a national award. The driver whose name and identity have been withheld for security reasons chased and knocked down the two robbers on a motorbike after which an armed military man came in to arrest the duo.
The two suspects Abaliku Sannie, 35, and Oko Quaicoo, 30, shot a Koala employee, a sales girl, and made away with what was reported to be cash from the sale of products from the Shopping centre.
But just when they thought the deal was done, the taxi-driver in a rare show of bravery mounted a hot chase and knocked the suspects into a ditch.The robbers were said to have shot at the taxi driver in a bid to stop him from chasing them but that did not deter him.
The rewards for the brave taxi driver have been overwhelming. The driver has been promised a new vehicle by the management of Koala the retail company that was targeted by the robbers. He was also given a presidential treat Monday afternoon at the Flagstaff House after which the president promised to give him a house in Cantonments.
The two suspects Abaliku Sannie, 35, and Oko Quaicoo, 30, shot a Koala employee, a sales girl, and made away with what was reported to be cash from the sale of products from the Shopping centre.
But just when they thought the deal was done, the taxi-driver in a rare show of bravery mounted a hot chase and knocked the suspects into a ditch.The robbers were said to have shot at the taxi driver in a bid to stop him from chasing them but that did not deter him.
The rewards for the brave taxi driver have been overwhelming. The driver has been promised a new vehicle by the management of Koala the retail company that was targeted by the robbers. He was also given a presidential treat Monday afternoon at the Flagstaff House after which the president promised to give him a house in Cantonments.
Preserving Family Business Wealth In Africa Requires Planning
Image by W8 Advisory. Culled from www.your-bizbook.com Air France/KLM Club Africa.
Over half of global GDP is created by family businesses. “The Rothschilds and Rockefellers of this world have successfully transferred their wealth across the ages, thanks to carefully devised strategies. In Africa, we have yet to see the very few family businesses out there survive more than three generations.” An interview with Bimpe Nkontchou, Managing Principal at W8 Advisory, a London-based wealth management and succession planning advisory firm that focuses on wealth amongst African families.
Whereas Africa is known for its struggles against poverty, a growing number of African entrepreneurs is successfully creating and acquiring wealth through enterprise and hard work. According to a recent New World Wealth report, the number of people in Africa with assets worth US$ 1 million or more has grown by 145 per cent since 2000. An approximate 161,000 High Net Worth Individuals were living in Africa at the end of 2014, with combined wealth holdings of US$ 660 billion.
How can wealth transfer go wrong?“The creator of wealth, the first-generation entrepreneur, often has a hands-on approach and is in full control of the business. A pitfall for a person of such stature may be to communicate insufficiently about the family’s wealth, about how much or how little is earned. If an unaware second generation is not brought up in the same values that created the business in the first place, chances are they will spend more than they create and dilute the wealth. By the time the third generation steps up and if no formal structures have been put in place, conflict, envy, and a wide range of opinions may scatter the wealth.”
What can be done to prevent wealth from being diluted?“At W8 Advisory we are passionate about conflict-free intergenerational wealth transfer. Most of Africa’s economies are relatively young and compared to the US or European economies, have seen few family businesses that stretch across centuries. Family businesses in Africa need clear planning and structured thinking in order to preserve their wealth. It requires a family governance structure with rules and limits clarified – and sanctions imposed on family members who violate agreements. The entrepreneur and his family need a clear, fixed, purposeful strategy that determines how the legacy is passed on. Who can work in the business or join the management, and why? What are family members’ roles and parameters? If you are careless about anything, chances are you lose it.”
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Burkina Faso.
Ex-President Blaise Compaore wanted for Sankara's murder.
Ousted Burkina leader Compaore charged in Sankara killing - Ouagadougou (AFP) - Burkina Faso has issued an international warrant for ousted leader Blaise Compaore for his suspected role in the 1987 killing of his former comrade, ex-president Thomas Sankara, a judicial source said Monday. The source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told AFP that Compaore, who is living in exile in the Ivory Coast, had been charged with an attack and assassination .
Sankara and 12 of his supporters were killed during a 1987 bloody coup that brought Compaore to power. An investigation into Sankara's death was reopened after a popular uprising forced Compaore from office in October 2014 after a 27-year rule. Compaore has denied involvement in Sankara's killing and now lives in exile in neighboring Ivory Coast.
Remains believed to be those of Sankara were exhumed earlier this year from a cemetery on the edge of the capital, Ouagadougou, and are being examined.
Sankara's family's lawyer, Stanislas Benewende Sankara, who isn't related, said Monday "The state of the remains didn't allow the laboratory to certify any DNA results."
Military tribunal director Col. Sita Sangare confirmed the arrest warrant for Compaore on charges of assassination, body concealment and assault.
Compaore's ally, Gen. Gilbert Diendere, had been charged early in December for complicity in Sankara's killing. Diendere is already in jail, arrested after taking power for a week during a short-lived coup by the presidential guard in September that overthrew the country's transitional government.
The presidential guard, loyal to Compaore, has been disbanded. Several members have also been arrested for Sankara's killing. "I am glad with the step forward made in the case," said Mousbila Sankara, a cousin of the late leader. "(But) I know it will be difficult to have the Ivorians agree to arrest Compaore and send him back home."Ivory Coast's government didn't immediately reply to requests for comment.Burkina Faso held delayed national elections Nov. 29 that saw Roch Marc Christian Kabore become the country's second elected civilian president since independence from France in 1960
Sankara and 12 of his supporters were killed during a 1987 bloody coup that brought Compaore to power. An investigation into Sankara's death was reopened after a popular uprising forced Compaore from office in October 2014 after a 27-year rule. Compaore has denied involvement in Sankara's killing and now lives in exile in neighboring Ivory Coast.
Remains believed to be those of Sankara were exhumed earlier this year from a cemetery on the edge of the capital, Ouagadougou, and are being examined.
Sankara's family's lawyer, Stanislas Benewende Sankara, who isn't related, said Monday "The state of the remains didn't allow the laboratory to certify any DNA results."
Military tribunal director Col. Sita Sangare confirmed the arrest warrant for Compaore on charges of assassination, body concealment and assault.
Compaore's ally, Gen. Gilbert Diendere, had been charged early in December for complicity in Sankara's killing. Diendere is already in jail, arrested after taking power for a week during a short-lived coup by the presidential guard in September that overthrew the country's transitional government.
The presidential guard, loyal to Compaore, has been disbanded. Several members have also been arrested for Sankara's killing. "I am glad with the step forward made in the case," said Mousbila Sankara, a cousin of the late leader. "(But) I know it will be difficult to have the Ivorians agree to arrest Compaore and send him back home."Ivory Coast's government didn't immediately reply to requests for comment.Burkina Faso held delayed national elections Nov. 29 that saw Roch Marc Christian Kabore become the country's second elected civilian president since independence from France in 1960
Music. - The Revolution Called Don Jazzy
By Esse Ogene
Don Jazzy is household name; his music style and beat arrangement are easily recognisable. To some he's slightly over rated, to others a revolutionary in the music industry; but the fact remains, Don Jazzy is a jack-of-all-trade and a master of all. One might ask how so? Well, here's how:
By being a producer, businessman and a performer, he has managed to maintain all three, while remaining relevant and inspired more producers to do same.
The producer: Don Jazzy's experience with music producing emerged during his time in the UK, working with various artistes such as JJC and the 419 Squad, Kaz and D'banj. In 2004 Don Jazzy partnered with D'banj and created Mo'Hits label. In 2005 he had produced D'banj's debut album No long thing; the following year he produced the same artistes sophomore album Rundown Funk You Up containing the hit track Why me.
Between 2007 - 2008 Don Jazzy produced the Mo' Hits All Stars album, and Recording Artist Wande Coal's debut album Mushin 2 Mo'Hits. At this point Don Jazzy was already a brand in the music industry and many had already taken notice of this outside Nigeria.
In 2010 Don Jazzy produced the hit single Mr Endowed (Remix) by D'banj feat Snoop Dogg, the subsequent year Don Jazzy was signed to Kanye West's Label G.O.O.D MUSIC as a producer; he went on to work with Jay-Z and Kanye on the production of the song Lift off featuring Beyonce from album Watch the Throne.
By 2012, Don Jazzy produced the hit song Oliver Twist that cut across borders placing him on the international scene.
The Performer: Although not the conventional performer, He has worked with numerous artistes in the industry. He has also sold out tickets at venues around the world. Tracks such as Eminado, Dorobucci, Adaobi and Godwin are catchy songs that anyone could groove to.
The business man: The Industry is not just about the music but it's also a corporate environment, Don Jazzy taps into the fact that one must not limit himself to creating music, but also harnessing it as a commodity. As corny as it might sound, the producer is bankable and whatever he touches turns to gold. He is also the CEO and founder of Mavin Records and have some of the biggest artistes currently signed to the label; his music is his trademark making him marketable. Various brand both local and International has sought to make him their ambassador such as telecommunications giant MTN, Johnnie Walker Scotch Whiskey and Samsung to name a few.
Don jazzy has been compared to American producers such as Dr Dre and Timberland. He was one of the very few who tapped into the benefits of social media and used it to his advantage. He uses this to promote his work and the artistes who are signed under the Mavin label.
Culled from Leadership Newspaper
Don Jazzy is household name; his music style and beat arrangement are easily recognisable. To some he's slightly over rated, to others a revolutionary in the music industry; but the fact remains, Don Jazzy is a jack-of-all-trade and a master of all. One might ask how so? Well, here's how:
By being a producer, businessman and a performer, he has managed to maintain all three, while remaining relevant and inspired more producers to do same.
The producer: Don Jazzy's experience with music producing emerged during his time in the UK, working with various artistes such as JJC and the 419 Squad, Kaz and D'banj. In 2004 Don Jazzy partnered with D'banj and created Mo'Hits label. In 2005 he had produced D'banj's debut album No long thing; the following year he produced the same artistes sophomore album Rundown Funk You Up containing the hit track Why me.
Between 2007 - 2008 Don Jazzy produced the Mo' Hits All Stars album, and Recording Artist Wande Coal's debut album Mushin 2 Mo'Hits. At this point Don Jazzy was already a brand in the music industry and many had already taken notice of this outside Nigeria.
In 2010 Don Jazzy produced the hit single Mr Endowed (Remix) by D'banj feat Snoop Dogg, the subsequent year Don Jazzy was signed to Kanye West's Label G.O.O.D MUSIC as a producer; he went on to work with Jay-Z and Kanye on the production of the song Lift off featuring Beyonce from album Watch the Throne.
By 2012, Don Jazzy produced the hit song Oliver Twist that cut across borders placing him on the international scene.
The Performer: Although not the conventional performer, He has worked with numerous artistes in the industry. He has also sold out tickets at venues around the world. Tracks such as Eminado, Dorobucci, Adaobi and Godwin are catchy songs that anyone could groove to.
The business man: The Industry is not just about the music but it's also a corporate environment, Don Jazzy taps into the fact that one must not limit himself to creating music, but also harnessing it as a commodity. As corny as it might sound, the producer is bankable and whatever he touches turns to gold. He is also the CEO and founder of Mavin Records and have some of the biggest artistes currently signed to the label; his music is his trademark making him marketable. Various brand both local and International has sought to make him their ambassador such as telecommunications giant MTN, Johnnie Walker Scotch Whiskey and Samsung to name a few.
Don jazzy has been compared to American producers such as Dr Dre and Timberland. He was one of the very few who tapped into the benefits of social media and used it to his advantage. He uses this to promote his work and the artistes who are signed under the Mavin label.
Culled from Leadership Newspaper
Grammy Award. Ghana's Rocky Dawuni nominated.
A Ghanaian reggae musician, Rocky Dawuni has been nominated for 2016 Grammy Awards, alongside Jamaican stars Jah Cure, Barrington Levy, Luciano and Morgan Heritage.
His charts topping album, "Branches of the Same Tree" was nominated for the "Best Reggae Album" award.
Rocky Dawuni is the first Ghanaian to be nominated for the prestigious award.
Dawuni got acquainted with reggae in Ghana when he heard a military band performing one of Bob Marley's compositions in Michel Camp, a military barracks.
Dawuni started the annual "Independence Splash" festival, which is held in Ghana on Ghanaian Independence Day, March 6.
The event will be held on Monday February 15, 2016 at the Staples Centre in Los Angeles, United States of America.
Courtesy Ghana Broadcasting Corporation.
His charts topping album, "Branches of the Same Tree" was nominated for the "Best Reggae Album" award.
Rocky Dawuni is the first Ghanaian to be nominated for the prestigious award.
Dawuni got acquainted with reggae in Ghana when he heard a military band performing one of Bob Marley's compositions in Michel Camp, a military barracks.
Dawuni started the annual "Independence Splash" festival, which is held in Ghana on Ghanaian Independence Day, March 6.
The event will be held on Monday February 15, 2016 at the Staples Centre in Los Angeles, United States of America.
Courtesy Ghana Broadcasting Corporation.
The World's Optimists Live In Nigeria, Ethiopia and Burkina Faso.
Africans are the most optimistic people in the world. According to a Pew Research Centre survey, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Burkina Faso are the countries with the brightest prospects in the next year.
According to a report by New Africa Business News, 92 per cent of Nigerian respondents expect their economy to improve in the next 12 months. Residents in Burkina Faso and Ethiopia were similarly upbeat, with more than 80% of people in each country projecting economic progress.
Nigeria and Ethiopia also ranked high on Pew’s survey of longer-term prospects. Each of those two had 84% of respondents judging that when their children grow up, they’ll be better off financially than their parents. There was widespread pessimism in richer countries like France, Japan and Italy.
The Pew data is based on 45,435 in-person and telephone interviews in 40 countries with adults 18 and older.
Further reading newafricabusinessnews.com
According to a report by New Africa Business News, 92 per cent of Nigerian respondents expect their economy to improve in the next 12 months. Residents in Burkina Faso and Ethiopia were similarly upbeat, with more than 80% of people in each country projecting economic progress.
Nigeria and Ethiopia also ranked high on Pew’s survey of longer-term prospects. Each of those two had 84% of respondents judging that when their children grow up, they’ll be better off financially than their parents. There was widespread pessimism in richer countries like France, Japan and Italy.
The Pew data is based on 45,435 in-person and telephone interviews in 40 countries with adults 18 and older.
Further reading newafricabusinessnews.com
DANGER AHEAD. Is Burundi On The Verge Of Returning To Ethnic Conflict?
Bujumbura — From the hills at Kiriri, to the east of Burundi's capital, Bujumbura, there is a clear view of Lake Tanganyika. The Itombwe Mountains across the water in the DR Congo are harder to see as low hanging clouds always get in the way. It is a picture of tranquillity.
Traffic is light, people are on the streets, but peer closer and you will see cracks in the serenity.
Residents of the city say since "Le Crise" - or the crisis - began in April, more razor wire barriers line certain streets and soldiers are constantly on patrol throughout the city.
The United Nations is concerned, beginning plans to send in a rapid reaction force if needed.
African Union military observers are already on the ground assessing the situation.
"We can observe today in Burundi a clear manipulation of ethnicity by both the government and opposition," the UN's special adviser on genocide, Adama Dieng, told the BBC.
"We know that ethnicity can be used to divide populations, and spreading hatred among them, which can have tragic consequences."
After sunset, the city becomes eerily quiet, unless it is pierced by gunfire such as which a BBC reporter heard on Tuesday night. The following morning revealed just how bloody the night was.
Police sources say eight people were killed, including a policeman.
Both opposition and governing factions accuse each other of violence.
Traffic is light, people are on the streets, but peer closer and you will see cracks in the serenity.
Residents of the city say since "Le Crise" - or the crisis - began in April, more razor wire barriers line certain streets and soldiers are constantly on patrol throughout the city.
The United Nations is concerned, beginning plans to send in a rapid reaction force if needed.
African Union military observers are already on the ground assessing the situation.
"We can observe today in Burundi a clear manipulation of ethnicity by both the government and opposition," the UN's special adviser on genocide, Adama Dieng, told the BBC.
"We know that ethnicity can be used to divide populations, and spreading hatred among them, which can have tragic consequences."
After sunset, the city becomes eerily quiet, unless it is pierced by gunfire such as which a BBC reporter heard on Tuesday night. The following morning revealed just how bloody the night was.
Police sources say eight people were killed, including a policeman.
Both opposition and governing factions accuse each other of violence.
Why Nigerians Dominated The List of 100 Most Influential Africans.
Culled from Ventures Africa
This week, the New African Magazine released its annual list presenting the 100 Most Influential Africans from eight different fields. The list shows the continent’s definitive power list and profiles the top game changers from eight different spheres of influence, including Politics, Art, Business and Civil Society in 30 countries and personalities from these areas dominated the list. It is not surprising that Nigerians and South Africans dominated the list as Nigerians had 20 notable names on the list and South Africans had 16 while Cameroon, Kenya and Uganda featured six, six and eight distinguished people respectively.
Ventures Africa decided to find out why some of these Nigerians made the list and this is why.The richest man in Africa has constantly made the list of Africa’s most influential over the years. He is an industrialist who has contributed greatly to the development of Africa. In 2015 alone, he has expanded his cement company into about four different African countries, creating jobs for many within the continent. He is one of the largest employers of labour in Nigeria and is on his way to being the largest in Africa.
Read More here
This week, the New African Magazine released its annual list presenting the 100 Most Influential Africans from eight different fields. The list shows the continent’s definitive power list and profiles the top game changers from eight different spheres of influence, including Politics, Art, Business and Civil Society in 30 countries and personalities from these areas dominated the list. It is not surprising that Nigerians and South Africans dominated the list as Nigerians had 20 notable names on the list and South Africans had 16 while Cameroon, Kenya and Uganda featured six, six and eight distinguished people respectively.
Ventures Africa decided to find out why some of these Nigerians made the list and this is why.The richest man in Africa has constantly made the list of Africa’s most influential over the years. He is an industrialist who has contributed greatly to the development of Africa. In 2015 alone, he has expanded his cement company into about four different African countries, creating jobs for many within the continent. He is one of the largest employers of labour in Nigeria and is on his way to being the largest in Africa.
Read More here
Is Mali Paying The Price For Being Too Close To France ?
By Oreoluwa Runsewe
Culled from venturesafrica.com
The whole world is now abuzz with news of gunmen who have taken about 170 people hostage in the Radisson Blu hotel in Mali this morning. At least eighty hostages have reportedly been set free while three people have been confirmed dead. This attack occurs barely a week after terror attacks in Paris killed 129 people and two days after terrorists bombed two Nigerian cities.
Like many other former French colonies, Mali still maintains close ties with France. French troops arrived Mali in January, 2013, to aid the Malian government in its fight against terrorism. Within six weeks, the French soldiers succeeded in recapturing seized towns and driving the terrorists into hiding. French troops have remained in the West African country since, on a mission to stabilise the region.The attacks in France last week cast a big light on terror organizations all over the world and there were suspicions that other similar organizations might replicate those attacks. The current hostage situation in Mali bears close resemblance to the Bataclan music hall attack. There are reports that a number of French nationals are among the hostages. While Mali certainly has had its own problem with terrorists operating in its northern region, this attack raises the question of possible coordinated strikes on allies of the west which present softer targets because of less extensive security and surveillance abilities. Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Nigeria, Libya are all examples of countries attacked by terror organizations because of their relationships with western countries. Other francophone countries within Africa that have close ties with France may also be hit soon.
There are indications that terror group Ansar Dine are responsible for these attacks. Ansar Dine is a militant group in Mali that is reported to have close ties with al-Qaeda. It was primarily responsible for the Northern Malian conflict of 2012 and 2013. This attack could also indicate a battle for prominent public position between Ansar Dine and the Islamic State, to capture attention and popularity as competition for notoriety and the recruits that come with it heats up between Islamic terror franchise.
Click here to read more
Culled from venturesafrica.com
The whole world is now abuzz with news of gunmen who have taken about 170 people hostage in the Radisson Blu hotel in Mali this morning. At least eighty hostages have reportedly been set free while three people have been confirmed dead. This attack occurs barely a week after terror attacks in Paris killed 129 people and two days after terrorists bombed two Nigerian cities.
Like many other former French colonies, Mali still maintains close ties with France. French troops arrived Mali in January, 2013, to aid the Malian government in its fight against terrorism. Within six weeks, the French soldiers succeeded in recapturing seized towns and driving the terrorists into hiding. French troops have remained in the West African country since, on a mission to stabilise the region.The attacks in France last week cast a big light on terror organizations all over the world and there were suspicions that other similar organizations might replicate those attacks. The current hostage situation in Mali bears close resemblance to the Bataclan music hall attack. There are reports that a number of French nationals are among the hostages. While Mali certainly has had its own problem with terrorists operating in its northern region, this attack raises the question of possible coordinated strikes on allies of the west which present softer targets because of less extensive security and surveillance abilities. Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Nigeria, Libya are all examples of countries attacked by terror organizations because of their relationships with western countries. Other francophone countries within Africa that have close ties with France may also be hit soon.
There are indications that terror group Ansar Dine are responsible for these attacks. Ansar Dine is a militant group in Mali that is reported to have close ties with al-Qaeda. It was primarily responsible for the Northern Malian conflict of 2012 and 2013. This attack could also indicate a battle for prominent public position between Ansar Dine and the Islamic State, to capture attention and popularity as competition for notoriety and the recruits that come with it heats up between Islamic terror franchise.
Click here to read more
How Will Long The African Union Remain Silent On The African Migrant Crisis
By Omotola Omolayo
Culled from Ventures Africa
To address the pertinent issue of migration overwhelming the European borders, leaders from the European and African Union countries met in Valletta, the capital city of Malta. While the stakes for EU are admittedly higher with series of boating mishaps on Mediterranean waters, the African Union with is yet to come up with a proactive way of addressing the global migrant crisis so far.
Following a meeting with the EU commission president Jean-Claude Juncker on migration and human trafficking in April, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the head of the African Union reportedly commented that “If people don’t have livelihoods at all, they are not going to sit and die of hunger, they are going to look for greener pastures,” and that quick solutions to these crisis do not exist. While there might not be an instant solution to this global problem in sight, this does not exclude the African Union from taking responsibility for its citizens.
According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), over 350,000 people have journeyed across the Mediterranean, out of which 3,075 have died or disappeared this year. Furthermore, some records indicate that six out of the ten largest countries of origin of refugees were African. Eritrea which heads this list is closely followed by Somalia, South Sudan, Gambia, Nigeria and Central African Republic. With the population of Africans that risk their lives to end up on the shores of Europe, no matter how dangerous, one would expect some form of commentary or concern from the AU. However, the Union so far has only made a promise to ‘work on it’ at an EU meeting in April.
While the EU has come up with steps of stemming this global problem which ranges from having a rescue operations on the sea to allegedly shutting its boarders, African leaders whose citizens constitute the bulk of migrants are yet to take any proactive measures, although they have met on several occasions to ‘discuss’ the crisis and ways of tackling it. The AU could have organized an emergency summit on its own continent, why did they have to wait for the EU’s Valletta summit? Does this suggest that African leaders feel entitled to EU’s help with its migrants?
Read more click here
Culled from Ventures Africa
To address the pertinent issue of migration overwhelming the European borders, leaders from the European and African Union countries met in Valletta, the capital city of Malta. While the stakes for EU are admittedly higher with series of boating mishaps on Mediterranean waters, the African Union with is yet to come up with a proactive way of addressing the global migrant crisis so far.
Following a meeting with the EU commission president Jean-Claude Juncker on migration and human trafficking in April, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the head of the African Union reportedly commented that “If people don’t have livelihoods at all, they are not going to sit and die of hunger, they are going to look for greener pastures,” and that quick solutions to these crisis do not exist. While there might not be an instant solution to this global problem in sight, this does not exclude the African Union from taking responsibility for its citizens.
According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), over 350,000 people have journeyed across the Mediterranean, out of which 3,075 have died or disappeared this year. Furthermore, some records indicate that six out of the ten largest countries of origin of refugees were African. Eritrea which heads this list is closely followed by Somalia, South Sudan, Gambia, Nigeria and Central African Republic. With the population of Africans that risk their lives to end up on the shores of Europe, no matter how dangerous, one would expect some form of commentary or concern from the AU. However, the Union so far has only made a promise to ‘work on it’ at an EU meeting in April.
While the EU has come up with steps of stemming this global problem which ranges from having a rescue operations on the sea to allegedly shutting its boarders, African leaders whose citizens constitute the bulk of migrants are yet to take any proactive measures, although they have met on several occasions to ‘discuss’ the crisis and ways of tackling it. The AU could have organized an emergency summit on its own continent, why did they have to wait for the EU’s Valletta summit? Does this suggest that African leaders feel entitled to EU’s help with its migrants?
Read more click here
Gaskiya.Net Exclusive - Nigerian Universities Rankings 2015/16
University of Ibadan Comes Out On Top
Gaskiya.net Ranking of Nigerian Universities 2015
Why Ranking of Universities based on Webometrics contradicts reality…
The Webometrics University Ranking system has gained popularity, and perhaps, some notoriety too due to the interest it generates whenever those rankings are published, as well as the debate the listings elicit. Those debates often range from the most compelling to the absolute ridiculous. We do not think the system is realistic or appropriate, especially for African, nay Nigerian universities and are at a loss as to why the intellectual community has not mounted a vigorous challenge against this system. As Nigerian Universities commence the 2015/2016 Academic Year, Gaskiya.net is poised to release its own ranking, but not before it has explained the reasons against the continued reliance on the Webometrics system.
Wikipedia best provides the most basic but perfectly unambiguous explanation of what this Webometrics University Ranking is all about. It explains that it “is a ranking system based on university web presence, visibility and web access…It measures how strongly a university is present in the web by its own web domain, sub-pages, rich files, scholarly articles etc.” In the opinion of the developers of this method and still relying on Wikipedia, their belief is that “…web presence is a reliable indicator of the global performance and prestige of the universities and as such, is an indirect way to measure all the university missions (teaching, research, transfer)….” The strength of this ranking procedure is boosted by the argument that “…Top universities are publishing millions of pages produced by dozens of departments and services, hundreds of research teams and thousands of scholars. Strong web presence informs of a wide variety of factors that are clearly correlated with the global quality of the institution: widespread availability of computer resources available, global internet literacy, policies promoting democracy and freedom of speech, competition for international visibility or support of open access initiatives, among others.”
Our deviation from the Webometrics philosophy
Gaskiya.net significantly deviates from the above posture for several reasons, starting from one key argument acknowledged by proponents of the Webometrics system themselves. They admit inter alia, that “…Although the Web is universally recognized as one of the most relevant tools for scholarly communication, it is still very rare these indicators are used for the evaluation of the scientific research and the academic performance of universities. Webometric indicators are provided to show the commitment of the institutions to Web publication.” If academic performance and the scientific research output of these institutions cannot be measured by the index, why is so much attention still being given to the rankings?
Indeed, from the foregoing and in Africa, as in Nigeria, merely assessing the quality of an academic institution on the basis of the volume “ of web contents and the visibility and impact of these web publications…” based on the volume of external citations they obtained constitute a series of evaluatory indices that Gaskiya.net considers dead on arrival.
University education in Africa comes with its own peculiar features and challenges, as it does elsewhere. For example, given the provision of instruction in English, French or Portuguese, lecturer-student interaction in most of our countries, where these languages are second to the mother tongue is of extremely high relevance. Other evaluatory factors only complement this fact.
Why Ranking of Universities based on Webometrics contradicts reality
To reinforce our dissenting position, we draw inspiration from something that occurred in the global film industry some years ago. Faced with the problem of how to rate the Nigerian movie industry in the face of the high volume of movies it was producing, the global film-making community had been reluctant to assign the Nigerians a rightful position on the classification ranking on the strength of their argument that the Nigerians were not producing movies on celluloid but in video format. The Nigerians countered that they were producing movies on a format preferred by their target market and cared less about what the critics thought. The Africans stuck to their guns but today what do we have? The international cultural and intellectual property community has not only accepted the Nollywood position (and subsequently ranked it second to Bollywood globally), but the technological component of that industry has developed more advanced video format for movie production.
On the basis of this logic, we submit that Webometrics University Ranking can only be a small part of a broader range of classificatory or ranking system of African, nay Nigerian universities, (or any other university anywhere in the world for that matter), rather than the main one as being done today.
Why are universities established?
To progress further in our debunking the Webometrics University Ranking system, we ask a basic question. Why are universities established? To which we also provide a basic answer: To solve societal problems in whichever forms they manifest. This is why they’re called ‘ivory towers’ from where they can look at societal challenges and proffer solutions. This presupposes that universities, by their orientation, would be focused on solving local problems. If they eventually become adept at doing so, they gain national, regional and ultimately, global recognition. Thus, while universities focus on local problems, they must also find a way of becoming globally relevant.
In support of this, we proceed to argue a hypothesis. If Kogi State, blessed with so much iron ore at Itakpe and Ajaokuta, and where the Ajaokuta Steel Industry is located in Nigeria, were to establish a University of Metallurgy and Materials Engineering, to simply produce manpower to feed the steel industry, it could grow in scientific research and academic instruction to gain expertise and eventually, national and international renown as a result of that specialisation. A Webometrics University Ranking system that is decidedly oblivious of the reasons for which the institution was established and what its orientation is, as well as that does not have the capacity to evaluate the strength of the university to undertake scientific enquiry nor the quality of its academic instruction, would be totally off tangent in its classification of such an institution!
Growing improvement in quality of tertiary education in Nigeria
The Nigerian university system had to contend with a serious problem of training candidates that passed through the centralised matriculation examination system in the country. For some years, the higher education structure could do nothing about this low quality of candidates passing out of the secondary school system but eventually, some first generation universities jettisoned the assurance system that the University Matriculation Board offered in favour of running an additional evaluative system to further sift ‘good’ candidates from the ‘bad.’
While Nigeria’s Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) complained about that development, and initially did everything in its power to resist it, it had no choice but to eventually admit that there were significant foundational and preparatory challenges that caused the universities, desperate to shore up what was left of their academic reputation and to retain a modicum of integrity in their certification, to institute this alternative quality control measure. JAMB itself had a problem defending situations where candidates it had adjudged to have passed brilliantly in certain subjects ended up failing the same subjects woefully when tested by the alternative system the universities introduced.
The universities and JAMB have since moved on from there. Though the alternative testing system has been retained by the universities, the quality of JAMB testing and certification has dramatically improved, with decreased malpractices and enhanced testing methods. It must be mentioned that this improvement is itself a direct consequence of the alternative testing instituted by the universities. If JAMB had not sat up, its reputation would simply have gone to the dogs!
Gaskiya.net’s DRA ranking system
Today, there are over 140 Federal, State and Private universities in Nigeria, offering a variety of courses and with various academic profiles. There is hardly any specialised university in the country, as virtually all the institutions offer courses largely across the liberal arts and sciences. The advent of private universities had been touted as a solution to the perceived falling standards in existing Government institutions at the time, often exacerbated by prolonged industrial action bythe Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Non- Academic Staff Union (NASU). While such long strike actions have largely decreased, private universities, from the survey Gaskiya.net conducted to determine its ranking of Nigerian universities, do not enjoy the same level of confidence that employers still have in especially Federal universities. Indeed, private universities, at best, only offer a guarantee of completion of degree programmes within the stipulated time frame and no more.
To arrive at our ranking, Gaskiya.net adopted a system it created known as the Domestic Relevance Approach (DRA). This system assesses the quality of a university based on a combination of criteria as follows:
In Economics and even in the performing arts (given Nigeria’s dominance of Africa’s entertainment industry and position as the second largest movie industry in the world), employers say they would go for graduates form first generation universities (Federal institutions). When we asked them how they would hire based on their actual knowledge of the capacity of the universities, the position of most of the employers surveyed did not change markedly from what is presented above. Some (oil producing companies who headhunt Petroleum Engineering graduates) say they hire mainly from the Federal universities but send the newly-hired staff abroad for further training immediately in order to cover for lapses noticed in the quality of the products from these universities.
When we asked how they would hire medical doctors, pharmacists and para-medical staff, almost all the employers surveyed said they would give preference almost entirely to graduates of Federal universities.
Our questions to potential undergraduates, their parents and employers of new graduates were:
*If you had to choose a university of study as a candidate based solely on perception, which one would you choose? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
*If you had to choose a university for your child or ward based solely on perception, which one would you choose? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
*If you had to employ a new staff based on your perception of the universities, which would be your preference? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
Our verdict on Nigeria’s best academic institutions
The Webometrics component of our assessment clearly showed why Nigerian and indeed African universities fare badly in rankings which use only this index. Our key indices in this regard were:
Universities to watch out for in 2016
The Gaskiya.net ranking of Nigerian universities for 2015 limits itself to identifying the 10 best universities in the country. Our assessment and perception survey suggested that many of the over 140 institutions of higher learning were unworthy of any credible listing. Furthermore, the cost of our enquiry was huge and we felt that it would be unprofitable to invest time, energy and other resources evaluating academic institutions which, for all intents and purposes, should be affiliates of older and more established institutions for mentorship and guidance. Many, to put it mildly, should be University Colleges, rather than fully fledged institutions standing on their own! Before we announce our rankings, given the fact that they do not exceed ten, we have elected to first announce those institutions who did not make it into our ranking but with whom our assessors were impressed and thus consider to be worthy of commendation. These universities are:
University of Benin www.uniben.edu.ng
University of Port Harcourt www.uniport.edu.ng
Abia State University www.absu.edu.ng
Covenant University www.covenantuniversity.edu.ng
Afe Babalola University www.abuad.edu.ng
American University of Nigeria www.aun.edu.ng
Federal University of Agriculture Abeokuta www.unaab.edu.ng
Babcock University www.babcock.edu.ng
University of Abuja www.uniabuja.edu.ng
Bowen University www.bowenuniversity.edu.ng
Gaskiya.netranking of Nigeria’s best 10 universities for 2015
The top 10 universities in Nigeria for the year 2015 based on criteria listed in the preceding analysis are:
The University of Ibadan www.ui.edu.ng 1st
University of Lagos www.unilag.edu.ng Joint 2nd
Obafemi Awolowo University www.oauife.edu.ng Joint 2nd
University of Nigeria, Nsukka www.unn.edu.ng 4th
Ahmadu Bello University www.abu.edu.ng 5th
University of Maiduguri www.unimaid.edu.ng 6th
University of Ilorin www.uniloring.edu.ng 7th
Redeemer’s University www.run.edu.ng 8th
Lagos State University www.lasucom.edu.ng 9th
Cross River University of Technology www.crutech.edu.ng 10th
Gaskiya.net Ranking of Nigerian Universities 2015
Why Ranking of Universities based on Webometrics contradicts reality…
The Webometrics University Ranking system has gained popularity, and perhaps, some notoriety too due to the interest it generates whenever those rankings are published, as well as the debate the listings elicit. Those debates often range from the most compelling to the absolute ridiculous. We do not think the system is realistic or appropriate, especially for African, nay Nigerian universities and are at a loss as to why the intellectual community has not mounted a vigorous challenge against this system. As Nigerian Universities commence the 2015/2016 Academic Year, Gaskiya.net is poised to release its own ranking, but not before it has explained the reasons against the continued reliance on the Webometrics system.
Wikipedia best provides the most basic but perfectly unambiguous explanation of what this Webometrics University Ranking is all about. It explains that it “is a ranking system based on university web presence, visibility and web access…It measures how strongly a university is present in the web by its own web domain, sub-pages, rich files, scholarly articles etc.” In the opinion of the developers of this method and still relying on Wikipedia, their belief is that “…web presence is a reliable indicator of the global performance and prestige of the universities and as such, is an indirect way to measure all the university missions (teaching, research, transfer)….” The strength of this ranking procedure is boosted by the argument that “…Top universities are publishing millions of pages produced by dozens of departments and services, hundreds of research teams and thousands of scholars. Strong web presence informs of a wide variety of factors that are clearly correlated with the global quality of the institution: widespread availability of computer resources available, global internet literacy, policies promoting democracy and freedom of speech, competition for international visibility or support of open access initiatives, among others.”
Our deviation from the Webometrics philosophy
Gaskiya.net significantly deviates from the above posture for several reasons, starting from one key argument acknowledged by proponents of the Webometrics system themselves. They admit inter alia, that “…Although the Web is universally recognized as one of the most relevant tools for scholarly communication, it is still very rare these indicators are used for the evaluation of the scientific research and the academic performance of universities. Webometric indicators are provided to show the commitment of the institutions to Web publication.” If academic performance and the scientific research output of these institutions cannot be measured by the index, why is so much attention still being given to the rankings?
Indeed, from the foregoing and in Africa, as in Nigeria, merely assessing the quality of an academic institution on the basis of the volume “ of web contents and the visibility and impact of these web publications…” based on the volume of external citations they obtained constitute a series of evaluatory indices that Gaskiya.net considers dead on arrival.
University education in Africa comes with its own peculiar features and challenges, as it does elsewhere. For example, given the provision of instruction in English, French or Portuguese, lecturer-student interaction in most of our countries, where these languages are second to the mother tongue is of extremely high relevance. Other evaluatory factors only complement this fact.
Why Ranking of Universities based on Webometrics contradicts reality
To reinforce our dissenting position, we draw inspiration from something that occurred in the global film industry some years ago. Faced with the problem of how to rate the Nigerian movie industry in the face of the high volume of movies it was producing, the global film-making community had been reluctant to assign the Nigerians a rightful position on the classification ranking on the strength of their argument that the Nigerians were not producing movies on celluloid but in video format. The Nigerians countered that they were producing movies on a format preferred by their target market and cared less about what the critics thought. The Africans stuck to their guns but today what do we have? The international cultural and intellectual property community has not only accepted the Nollywood position (and subsequently ranked it second to Bollywood globally), but the technological component of that industry has developed more advanced video format for movie production.
On the basis of this logic, we submit that Webometrics University Ranking can only be a small part of a broader range of classificatory or ranking system of African, nay Nigerian universities, (or any other university anywhere in the world for that matter), rather than the main one as being done today.
Why are universities established?
To progress further in our debunking the Webometrics University Ranking system, we ask a basic question. Why are universities established? To which we also provide a basic answer: To solve societal problems in whichever forms they manifest. This is why they’re called ‘ivory towers’ from where they can look at societal challenges and proffer solutions. This presupposes that universities, by their orientation, would be focused on solving local problems. If they eventually become adept at doing so, they gain national, regional and ultimately, global recognition. Thus, while universities focus on local problems, they must also find a way of becoming globally relevant.
In support of this, we proceed to argue a hypothesis. If Kogi State, blessed with so much iron ore at Itakpe and Ajaokuta, and where the Ajaokuta Steel Industry is located in Nigeria, were to establish a University of Metallurgy and Materials Engineering, to simply produce manpower to feed the steel industry, it could grow in scientific research and academic instruction to gain expertise and eventually, national and international renown as a result of that specialisation. A Webometrics University Ranking system that is decidedly oblivious of the reasons for which the institution was established and what its orientation is, as well as that does not have the capacity to evaluate the strength of the university to undertake scientific enquiry nor the quality of its academic instruction, would be totally off tangent in its classification of such an institution!
Growing improvement in quality of tertiary education in Nigeria
The Nigerian university system had to contend with a serious problem of training candidates that passed through the centralised matriculation examination system in the country. For some years, the higher education structure could do nothing about this low quality of candidates passing out of the secondary school system but eventually, some first generation universities jettisoned the assurance system that the University Matriculation Board offered in favour of running an additional evaluative system to further sift ‘good’ candidates from the ‘bad.’
While Nigeria’s Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) complained about that development, and initially did everything in its power to resist it, it had no choice but to eventually admit that there were significant foundational and preparatory challenges that caused the universities, desperate to shore up what was left of their academic reputation and to retain a modicum of integrity in their certification, to institute this alternative quality control measure. JAMB itself had a problem defending situations where candidates it had adjudged to have passed brilliantly in certain subjects ended up failing the same subjects woefully when tested by the alternative system the universities introduced.
The universities and JAMB have since moved on from there. Though the alternative testing system has been retained by the universities, the quality of JAMB testing and certification has dramatically improved, with decreased malpractices and enhanced testing methods. It must be mentioned that this improvement is itself a direct consequence of the alternative testing instituted by the universities. If JAMB had not sat up, its reputation would simply have gone to the dogs!
Gaskiya.net’s DRA ranking system
Today, there are over 140 Federal, State and Private universities in Nigeria, offering a variety of courses and with various academic profiles. There is hardly any specialised university in the country, as virtually all the institutions offer courses largely across the liberal arts and sciences. The advent of private universities had been touted as a solution to the perceived falling standards in existing Government institutions at the time, often exacerbated by prolonged industrial action bythe Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the Non- Academic Staff Union (NASU). While such long strike actions have largely decreased, private universities, from the survey Gaskiya.net conducted to determine its ranking of Nigerian universities, do not enjoy the same level of confidence that employers still have in especially Federal universities. Indeed, private universities, at best, only offer a guarantee of completion of degree programmes within the stipulated time frame and no more.
To arrive at our ranking, Gaskiya.net adopted a system it created known as the Domestic Relevance Approach (DRA). This system assesses the quality of a university based on a combination of criteria as follows:
- Courses offered and their relevance
- Quality of Faculty (academic staff)
- Teaching facilities and aids
- Research capability / output
- Impact of products (graduates) on the society
- Webometrics
- Extra-curricular / recreation and social facilities
- Perception by potential students (at the point of applying for admission)
- Perception by parents of intending students (at the point of applying for admission)
- Perception (at the point of hiring new graduates) by employers
In Economics and even in the performing arts (given Nigeria’s dominance of Africa’s entertainment industry and position as the second largest movie industry in the world), employers say they would go for graduates form first generation universities (Federal institutions). When we asked them how they would hire based on their actual knowledge of the capacity of the universities, the position of most of the employers surveyed did not change markedly from what is presented above. Some (oil producing companies who headhunt Petroleum Engineering graduates) say they hire mainly from the Federal universities but send the newly-hired staff abroad for further training immediately in order to cover for lapses noticed in the quality of the products from these universities.
When we asked how they would hire medical doctors, pharmacists and para-medical staff, almost all the employers surveyed said they would give preference almost entirely to graduates of Federal universities.
Our questions to potential undergraduates, their parents and employers of new graduates were:
*If you had to choose a university of study as a candidate based solely on perception, which one would you choose? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
*If you had to choose a university for your child or ward based solely on perception, which one would you choose? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
*If you had to employ a new staff based on your perception of the universities, which would be your preference? (For Liberal Arts. For International Relations. For Pure Sciences. For Agricultural Sciences. For Computer Sciences. For Mechanical Engineering. For Petroleum Engineering. For Medicine. For Postgraduate Studies).
Our verdict on Nigeria’s best academic institutions
The Webometrics component of our assessment clearly showed why Nigerian and indeed African universities fare badly in rankings which use only this index. Our key indices in this regard were:
- Accessibility (ease of identification / location of domain name, etc.)
- Content utility (if a visitor found the contents relevant to his enquiries etc.)
- Interaction (the capacity of the site to engage a visitor in realtime conversation, etc.)
- Online instructional facility (distance learning, etc.)
- Publishing / warehousing the output of scientific and other investigative enquiry
- Online application / admission facility
- Aesthetics
Universities to watch out for in 2016
The Gaskiya.net ranking of Nigerian universities for 2015 limits itself to identifying the 10 best universities in the country. Our assessment and perception survey suggested that many of the over 140 institutions of higher learning were unworthy of any credible listing. Furthermore, the cost of our enquiry was huge and we felt that it would be unprofitable to invest time, energy and other resources evaluating academic institutions which, for all intents and purposes, should be affiliates of older and more established institutions for mentorship and guidance. Many, to put it mildly, should be University Colleges, rather than fully fledged institutions standing on their own! Before we announce our rankings, given the fact that they do not exceed ten, we have elected to first announce those institutions who did not make it into our ranking but with whom our assessors were impressed and thus consider to be worthy of commendation. These universities are:
University of Benin www.uniben.edu.ng
University of Port Harcourt www.uniport.edu.ng
Abia State University www.absu.edu.ng
Covenant University www.covenantuniversity.edu.ng
Afe Babalola University www.abuad.edu.ng
American University of Nigeria www.aun.edu.ng
Federal University of Agriculture Abeokuta www.unaab.edu.ng
Babcock University www.babcock.edu.ng
University of Abuja www.uniabuja.edu.ng
Bowen University www.bowenuniversity.edu.ng
Gaskiya.netranking of Nigeria’s best 10 universities for 2015
The top 10 universities in Nigeria for the year 2015 based on criteria listed in the preceding analysis are:
The University of Ibadan www.ui.edu.ng 1st
University of Lagos www.unilag.edu.ng Joint 2nd
Obafemi Awolowo University www.oauife.edu.ng Joint 2nd
University of Nigeria, Nsukka www.unn.edu.ng 4th
Ahmadu Bello University www.abu.edu.ng 5th
University of Maiduguri www.unimaid.edu.ng 6th
University of Ilorin www.uniloring.edu.ng 7th
Redeemer’s University www.run.edu.ng 8th
Lagos State University www.lasucom.edu.ng 9th
Cross River University of Technology www.crutech.edu.ng 10th
The Tragedy of African Protests. Why Africa Needs To Recognise Civilian Casualties.
Culled from Ventures Africa
There have been more than a hundred deaths from civil protests in Africa this year and more than ten times that number in the last five years. But these casualties are hardly ever spoken of; at most they make cameo appearances as astronomical figures in media headlines and help increase page views. And then they are forgotten, sometimes even before the protest streets are cleared of burnt tires and barricades. Last week, at least four people died protesting the controversial referendum to remove the term limits of Congo-Brazzaville’s three decade ruler Sassou Nguesso. 12 were killed a week before that while protesting the controversial election of Guinea’s President Alpha Condé to a second term. Like the 77 people before them—who died in the protests to stop Burundi’s President Nkurunziza from seeking a third term earlier this year—they would all be buried with no inquisitions into their deaths or justice for their families.
Click here to read more
There have been more than a hundred deaths from civil protests in Africa this year and more than ten times that number in the last five years. But these casualties are hardly ever spoken of; at most they make cameo appearances as astronomical figures in media headlines and help increase page views. And then they are forgotten, sometimes even before the protest streets are cleared of burnt tires and barricades. Last week, at least four people died protesting the controversial referendum to remove the term limits of Congo-Brazzaville’s three decade ruler Sassou Nguesso. 12 were killed a week before that while protesting the controversial election of Guinea’s President Alpha Condé to a second term. Like the 77 people before them—who died in the protests to stop Burundi’s President Nkurunziza from seeking a third term earlier this year—they would all be buried with no inquisitions into their deaths or justice for their families.
Click here to read more
Nigeria: Challenges Abound But People Want Results - Babatunde Fashola former Lagos State Governor
Culled from All Africa.com
The International Crisis Group, a global, Brussels-based NGO dedicated to preventing and resolving conflict, selected seven individuals to receive six awards in marking its 20th anniversary. Africa-engaged honorees include Sir Richard Branson, founder of the Virgin Group and co-founder of The Elders, as well as Tunisia's President Beji Caid Essebsi and Nahda party leader Rachid Ghannouchi who are jointly honored for efforts, together with the National Dialogue Quartet - this year's Nobel Peace Prize winners – to reach "consensus on a peaceful and inclusive transition." Recipient of this year's Stephen J. Solarz award – named for the late ICG co-founder and former New York Congress member – is Babatunde Fashola. A former governor of Lagos, Nigeria's most populous state, and current ministerial nominee by President Muhammadu Buhari, Fashola is cited for "his commitment to building a just and vibrant society." Interviewed by telephone from Abuja before his departure to New York for the October 26 ceremony, Fashola spoke to AllAfrica about his eight years in office (2007 – 2015) and how his country can move forward. Excerpts:
What do you regard as your major accomplishments as governor?
First, I want to say it was a team effort. We had an outstanding team of public servants and political office holders, and we worked together to strengthen law enforcement, build infrastructure and encourage inclusion. The most defining thing was to invest the people of Lagos with a sense of ownership and pride in their own state. We had challenges of urban crime, and we turned those challenges into opportunities. We also expanded opportunities for young people in education and in agriculture. We were able provide people with more opportunities to work – to make income with dignity.
How did you tackle the transformation of broken neighborhoods like Oshodi and is what you did sustainable?
I knew Oshodi as a child and it was a very pleasant community, but it fell into disrepute. People traded in unapproved places so they obstructed traffic. Crime was increasing because of the disorderly nature of activities there. It was dysfunctional. We went in to clean it up. We relocated the traders and we built a new market - that took some time, but it was finally done. The results were outstanding. Traffic moved. Crime dropped. Property values soared. The entire stretch of road in Oshodi is about 10 km. We put patrol vehicles and law enforcement agents on alternate sides of every kilometer of the road to insure that people obeyed rules and regulations. If that continues, I don't see why it wouldn't be sustainable. This created work for people to be law enforcement agents, and they went with pride to their work because they were earning a living.
Read more click here
The International Crisis Group, a global, Brussels-based NGO dedicated to preventing and resolving conflict, selected seven individuals to receive six awards in marking its 20th anniversary. Africa-engaged honorees include Sir Richard Branson, founder of the Virgin Group and co-founder of The Elders, as well as Tunisia's President Beji Caid Essebsi and Nahda party leader Rachid Ghannouchi who are jointly honored for efforts, together with the National Dialogue Quartet - this year's Nobel Peace Prize winners – to reach "consensus on a peaceful and inclusive transition." Recipient of this year's Stephen J. Solarz award – named for the late ICG co-founder and former New York Congress member – is Babatunde Fashola. A former governor of Lagos, Nigeria's most populous state, and current ministerial nominee by President Muhammadu Buhari, Fashola is cited for "his commitment to building a just and vibrant society." Interviewed by telephone from Abuja before his departure to New York for the October 26 ceremony, Fashola spoke to AllAfrica about his eight years in office (2007 – 2015) and how his country can move forward. Excerpts:
What do you regard as your major accomplishments as governor?
First, I want to say it was a team effort. We had an outstanding team of public servants and political office holders, and we worked together to strengthen law enforcement, build infrastructure and encourage inclusion. The most defining thing was to invest the people of Lagos with a sense of ownership and pride in their own state. We had challenges of urban crime, and we turned those challenges into opportunities. We also expanded opportunities for young people in education and in agriculture. We were able provide people with more opportunities to work – to make income with dignity.
How did you tackle the transformation of broken neighborhoods like Oshodi and is what you did sustainable?
I knew Oshodi as a child and it was a very pleasant community, but it fell into disrepute. People traded in unapproved places so they obstructed traffic. Crime was increasing because of the disorderly nature of activities there. It was dysfunctional. We went in to clean it up. We relocated the traders and we built a new market - that took some time, but it was finally done. The results were outstanding. Traffic moved. Crime dropped. Property values soared. The entire stretch of road in Oshodi is about 10 km. We put patrol vehicles and law enforcement agents on alternate sides of every kilometer of the road to insure that people obeyed rules and regulations. If that continues, I don't see why it wouldn't be sustainable. This created work for people to be law enforcement agents, and they went with pride to their work because they were earning a living.
Read more click here
ENTERTAINMENT .
Zimbabwe. Harare International Carnival Rocks City...
By Bornwise Mtonzi. THE HERALD
Top Brazilian Samba group Momo King proved that they are the best in what they do as they left fans calling for more after a stunning performance at the Samba Night at the Private Lounge on Wednesday. The group's Samba queens, dressed in their skimpy sexy attires, showed that they were not only beauties but can also dance in style. The Samba night was part of the ongoing Harare International Carnival that is expected to reach its peak with a Street Party set for the city centre tomorrow afternoon. The Samba dancers' Brazilian styles and some local borrowdale dance style left fans mesmerised. A lot of fans were seen jostling to get a chance to have pictures taken with the Samba queens when they went off the stage.
In separate interviews at the show fans expressed their excitement from the performance of the Samba girls. "I could not believe that these girls can dance like this, their performance was outstanding and I will not miss their show if they come back again," said a fan only identified as Farai "This is the best performance I tell you. These ladies are good. I hope to see them in the street party tomorrow," another fan.The event was also spiced up by some of local artists who included Bev and Zoey who gave their best in showing that they can also excite the crowd just like the Brazilians.
The coming in of dancehall musician Killer T to the stage lit up the event as the crowd sang along to tracks from his famous album "Ngoma Ndaimba". The event attracted a huge crowd and took the carnival spirit to a higher level.Earlier in the afternoon, Karikoga Kaseke, the chief executive officer of Zimbabwe Tourism Authority, thanked the Brazilians and some other groups from Democratic Republic of Congo for coming to share this year's carnival with Zimbabwe.The major highlight of the carnival will be the Street Party that takes place tomorrow. Kaseke said there is going to be junior and senior groups on the street march and the public and artists will have fun on the city roads.
The "junior carnival" will start at Town House and go along Julius Nyerere Street and turn into Robert Mugabe, Angwa Street, Nelson Mandela Avenue and end at Africa Unity Square.
The "senior carnival" begins at the corner of Rotten Row Street and Robert Mugabe Road. It will go along Robert Mugabe, Angwa Street, Nelson Mandela Avenue and end at Africa Unity Square where there will be main activities
Tourism Deputy Minister Anastancia Ndlovu said that their desire as a ministry is to see the growth and development of domestic tourism in Zimbabwe and that it can only be achieved through carnival. She also encouraged the tourism industry to revise their pricing structures and create affordable packages for local Zimbabweans modelled around the carnival to enable visitors from outside the city to also attend the event.
CHANGE IN AFRICA
Meet One of The Young People Driving Change on The Continent
Alaeddine Kandil - Change is Not Magic
Recently Gaskiya.net sat down with Alaeddine Kandil a young social activist from Tunisia to look at the Arab Spring and it's aftermath. Here are excerpts from the interview
I strongly believe that injustice, poverty and the violation of human rights are the real reasons that push people to say NO to dictatorship. - Alaeddine Kandil
Gaskiya.net : The Arab spring brought the world's attention on Tunisia - Looking back do you think this in itself was good or bad?
Alaeddine Kandil: In fact it's both sides, many people now know about Tunisia, this small country in Africa... The most important thing for me is that this revolution inspired lot of other countries.. And this spark that started from Tunisia moved to the Arab countries to become a fire against dictatorship.. It's true that the revolution brought us freedom but it also expelled tourists who were afraid of the situation in Tunisia.
Gaskiya.net: What were people against in the old order? Has anything changed?
Alaeddine Kandil: The slogan that was raised during the revolution was "Job, Freedom, and Dignity". Now after three years or so.. Tunisians can speak about any subject they want to, Media can discuss any issue without being afraid . Now we can practice our right to vote and choose our president and the members of parliament and are proud that we are the only democracy out of all the Arab countries ! About unemployment, the percentage of unemployed still high , about 16% .In my personal opinion ,this problem can’t be solved in one or two years especially in our situation ! So , I hope now , after the elections with more stable situation , the new government will find solutions to decrease this percentage of unemployment.
Gaskiya.net : What is the general feeling today amongst Tunisian youths?
Alaeddine Kandil: Three years ago, the youths were very hopeful about a better future, a future with more opportunities, future without bribery or favouritism . But not a lot has really changed, I believe that this change is not magic .. We should fight against those negative phenomenons to provide a better life for next generations. Youths have to create the change they want !
Gaskiya.net Last October the youths in Burkina Faso helped in overthrowing the corrupt regime of Blaise Compaore. Would you attribute this directly to the Arab spring?
Alaeddine Kandil; Maybe other revolutions can inspire and encourage people to fight against a dictator regime but I strongly believe that injustice, poverty and the violation of human rights are the real reasons that push people to say NO to dictatorship.
Gaskiya.net; How can young people in other parts of Africa participate in leadership?
Alaeddine Kandil; Youths can participate in community work ,it a good way to know more about their country in order to solve problems even in their own communities and improve their own skills at the same time . NGO's are sometimes more effective than political parties. Unfortunately , schools cannot improve your communication skills, cannot make you more confident so young people must see out of the box , they have to participate in the building of their countries .Besides, many programs are provided now to improve leadership skills in Africa , EU or USA , they can participate in such opportunities in order to be active in their communities .
Gaskiya.net; It is often said that Africa's problem is that of leadership. Are you involved in developing leaders in Tunisia?
Alaeddine Kandil. In fact, I organize trainings and youth exchanges between Arab and European countries in order to highlight the notions of open-mindedness, tolerance, and the acceptance of others and to build a cultural bridge between Tunisian youth and Euro-Mediterranean youth for exchange of knowledge, experiences and access to other cultures.Besides I'm a debate trainer within Young Arab Voices Program, It aims at developing skills and opportunities for youth-led debate across the Arab region. So I'm trying my best to put my own print in my community especially now that my country needs me in this situation.
Alaeddine Kandil is a trainer | Socio-Political Activist and Program Manager . He is also a member of Association Euro-Méditerranéenne des Echanges.
I strongly believe that injustice, poverty and the violation of human rights are the real reasons that push people to say NO to dictatorship. - Alaeddine Kandil
Gaskiya.net : The Arab spring brought the world's attention on Tunisia - Looking back do you think this in itself was good or bad?
Alaeddine Kandil: In fact it's both sides, many people now know about Tunisia, this small country in Africa... The most important thing for me is that this revolution inspired lot of other countries.. And this spark that started from Tunisia moved to the Arab countries to become a fire against dictatorship.. It's true that the revolution brought us freedom but it also expelled tourists who were afraid of the situation in Tunisia.
Gaskiya.net: What were people against in the old order? Has anything changed?
Alaeddine Kandil: The slogan that was raised during the revolution was "Job, Freedom, and Dignity". Now after three years or so.. Tunisians can speak about any subject they want to, Media can discuss any issue without being afraid . Now we can practice our right to vote and choose our president and the members of parliament and are proud that we are the only democracy out of all the Arab countries ! About unemployment, the percentage of unemployed still high , about 16% .In my personal opinion ,this problem can’t be solved in one or two years especially in our situation ! So , I hope now , after the elections with more stable situation , the new government will find solutions to decrease this percentage of unemployment.
Gaskiya.net : What is the general feeling today amongst Tunisian youths?
Alaeddine Kandil: Three years ago, the youths were very hopeful about a better future, a future with more opportunities, future without bribery or favouritism . But not a lot has really changed, I believe that this change is not magic .. We should fight against those negative phenomenons to provide a better life for next generations. Youths have to create the change they want !
Gaskiya.net Last October the youths in Burkina Faso helped in overthrowing the corrupt regime of Blaise Compaore. Would you attribute this directly to the Arab spring?
Alaeddine Kandil; Maybe other revolutions can inspire and encourage people to fight against a dictator regime but I strongly believe that injustice, poverty and the violation of human rights are the real reasons that push people to say NO to dictatorship.
Gaskiya.net; How can young people in other parts of Africa participate in leadership?
Alaeddine Kandil; Youths can participate in community work ,it a good way to know more about their country in order to solve problems even in their own communities and improve their own skills at the same time . NGO's are sometimes more effective than political parties. Unfortunately , schools cannot improve your communication skills, cannot make you more confident so young people must see out of the box , they have to participate in the building of their countries .Besides, many programs are provided now to improve leadership skills in Africa , EU or USA , they can participate in such opportunities in order to be active in their communities .
Gaskiya.net; It is often said that Africa's problem is that of leadership. Are you involved in developing leaders in Tunisia?
Alaeddine Kandil. In fact, I organize trainings and youth exchanges between Arab and European countries in order to highlight the notions of open-mindedness, tolerance, and the acceptance of others and to build a cultural bridge between Tunisian youth and Euro-Mediterranean youth for exchange of knowledge, experiences and access to other cultures.Besides I'm a debate trainer within Young Arab Voices Program, It aims at developing skills and opportunities for youth-led debate across the Arab region. So I'm trying my best to put my own print in my community especially now that my country needs me in this situation.
Alaeddine Kandil is a trainer | Socio-Political Activist and Program Manager . He is also a member of Association Euro-Méditerranéenne des Echanges.
ENTERTAINMENT
Ethiopians Celebrate Meskel Festival
By Eden Sahle
Unique to Ethiopia, Meskel (which literary means True Cross) is the magnificent carnival celebrated for two subsequent days beginning September 27th. It is one of the most colourful festivals celebrated by Christians of the Orthodox denomination for more than 1600 years. It marks the bright warm weather at the end of the rainy season. It involves singing songs, feasting and lighting a massive bonfire to commemorate the finding of the "True Cross" on which Jesus Christ had been crucified. Religious historic records has it that the marking of the holiday dates back to 330 AD, when Queen Helena (known in Ethiopia as Nigist Eleni) mother of Rome's first emperor, Constantine found the lost cross, on which Jesus had been crucified. In accordance with a revelation she had in a dream, Helena burned a giant pile of wood and frankincense. The smoke rose into the sky and then arced back down to earth, showing her the spot where the cross had been buried. Fragments of the cross were distributed to churches around the world, and one found its way to Ethiopia, where it is now said to be buried at Gishen Mariam, about 70 kilometers northwest of Dessie town.
On the eve, thousands of people gather at Meskel Square named after the event, to watch the ceremonial lighting of fire and worship. Ethiopians from across the country and visitors from around the world carry yellow daisies, wooden crosses and wax candles as the bonfire, pile of wood, burn down to ashes. The national festival marks the end of the rainy season and the ushering in of the daylong shining sun which is represented by daisies, bright yellow blossoms, that flourish across the country. The day is also celebrated with special traditional dishes and drinks. The breathtaking admirable ceremony kicks off with constructing Demera (bonfires) topped by daisies and cross. The Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church orchestrates the bonfire igniting ceremony. After the bonfire is lit up, singing songs circling the bonfire continues till the entire fire turns into ashes. Believers mark their foreheads with the sign of the cross using ashes from the fire to symbolize the day. Priests, deacons and youngsters from Sunday schools or the worship team and the public in ritual clothing sing around the bonfire for hours. Smaller bonfires will also be lit up at sundown throughout the country in backyards and on street corners. Villagers keep on celebrating throughout the night.
Picture Addis Zefen.
All correspondence to editor@gaskiya.net
